Recent Resources for Feminists
Bosnia: Women, scarred for life, denied justice by the State & Karadzic's cowardly war crime denials Print E-mail
 March 2010

Karadzic trial reminder of lives destroyed

Bosnia’s rape victims struggle on

As his trial resumed, Radovan Karadzic denied committing war crimes at Srebenica and Sarajevo. Yet almost 20 years after the war that destroyed former Yugoslavia, those whose lives were wrecked by rape still hope that their rapists will be tried and convicted

by Rajeshree Sisodia

Emina Rahmanovic (1) rarely leaves her tiny apartment in Zenica, a city in central Bosnia. Her neighbourhood is pretty in the fresh snow, but Rahmanovic, 33, doesn’t see it. She spends most of her days in bed. “Yesterday was the first time in seven years that I stepped on snow. I had not been outside in winter in seven years. [At other times of the year] I would always go outside with two people with me, but now one person is enough. I have this enormous sense of fear.” Rahmanovic takes as many as 18 doses of medication a day to help deal with insomnia, back pain and depression, an everyday part of her life since she was raped during the 1992-5 war (2).

Late in 1992, when she was 15, she was separated from her family near the Bosnian-Croatian border. Her family, among the thousands of refugees fleeing the fighting, managed to bribe their way to safety in Croatia. But Croat soldiers stopped her from crossing. She was stranded at a barracks used by Croat troops in Travnik, and then raped by Croat soldiers in early 1993.

Months later, the soldiers released her and she found refuge in Zenica, alone and pregnant. She now has two teenage children, a girl and a boy, whom she says are among the few good things in her life. Her children were placed in orphanages and she looks forward to visiting them. But most of the time she is a prisoner in her home: “I feel trapped in my own head. I can’t get over what happened. There are people who lost their children and family members [in the war]. They somehow continue living, but I just cannot. Maybe it was because I was really young. I constantly question why it had to happen to me. I can’t break free from these feelings.”

Health problems prevent her from keeping a job and she survives on $170 a month disability allowance from her local government, mostly spent on medication. But she was able to get psychological support and advice from Medica Zenica, an NGO that has provided victims with counselling and legal advice since 1993.

It is estimated that 20,000 people, including men, were raped during the war. In many cases the violence was planned and used as a deliberate weapon to terrorise civilians; but few rapists have been tried, and many victims have failed to receive economic and psychological support from the Bosnian government. Amnesty International (AI) highlighted this in a recent report (3) and accused the Bosnian government and the international community of failing victims. “The government of Bosnia and Herzegovina has failed to ensure justice and reparation for thousands of women who were raped during the 1992-5 war. A continuing failure to comprehensively investigate and prosecute crimes of sexual violence before international and national courts means those responsible for justice still manage to evade justice and impunity prevails.” The report says state compensation programmes and psychological healthcare services are scarce. NGOs, including Medica Zenica, have been left to pick up the pieces with little or no funding from the state government.

The scant level of state support is partly the result of Bosnia’s confusing governmental structure. It has a complicated power-sharing system brokered by the US-led Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), which helped end the war in 1995 (4). While it was designed to devolve power among all ethnic groups equally, the DPA turned the country into a decentralised patchwork. Two semi-autonomous entities were created: the Federation of BiH (FBiH) and Republika Srpska (RS) (5) with special status given to Brcko District. The FBiH and RS have their own parallel judiciaries, governments and parliaments, and Brcko District also has its own justice system. Though the state government passes legislation and allocates funding, how laws are implemented is left to the individual entities, cantons and districts according to budget. There are big differences in the level of support victims get depending on where they live.

A second betrayal
Teufika Ibrahimefendic has been a leading psychotherapist for victims since 1994, giving individual and group therapy to hundreds at Vive Zene Tuzla, the largest NGO in this field in Bosnia. The services it provides are vital to help survivors with post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, insomnia, depression and aggression. She says rape destroys the foundations of individual, familial and societal relationships. And some of the rape victims say that the government’s inability to provide adequate psychological support and financial compensation amounts to a second betrayal.

Officials at the FBiH ministry of labour and social affairs recognise this. According to ministry figures, only 612 victims received monthly compensation of $350 each in FBiH last year; they have to supply a certificate from an accredited NGO or documentation from a government agency or hospital to prove they were raped. Esma Palic, an adviser in the ministry’s department for the protection for the disabled, is responsible for overseeing support, but says the complicated administrative system and a lack of money hinder help. In 2009 the Bosnian government gave the FBiH labour ministry a budget of more than $500m, of which $28m was compensation for around 12,000 civilian victims of war. The RS ministry of labour spokesman, Slavko Peric, said his ministry was pleased with the amount of compensation victims are given, assessed individually; the republic also provides extra compensation if survivors are unable to work or are single parents.

Saliha Duderija, Bosnia’s assistant minister for human rights, heads the state department responsible for drafting related national laws. There is no national strategy to outline exactly what help victims are entitled to. The department is drafting new legislation that would stipulate equal rights for victims but the proposals are being blocked by political agendas. “The approach the government agencies take towards the victims depends on the political party currently in charge,” said Duderija. “The situation only gets worse when the election period comes as there’s more room for political manipulation... Political support is the key. Even though the war has stopped, it’s still going in people’s heads and in their words. Politicians use the issue at election time to get votes, regardless of ethnic group.” The situation, she added, does not look likely to improve as Bosnia prepares for parliamentary and presidential elections this October.

Some prominent Serb politicians, including the RS prime minister, Milorad Dodik, have claimed that war crimes committed against Serbs are not prosecuted, while denying that other war crimes happened. Bosnian Muslim politicians have also accused RS of not prosecuting war crimes. Semka Agic, 55, is bearing the brunt of this lack of political consensus. She lives in the small town of Zivinice in northeastern Bosnia. She said: “I had to take a pill to calm down before you came. I have these fits and sweating when I have to talk about these things.” Serb paramilitaries forced her to move from Samac, in northern Bosnia, to Zasavica in the early days of the war in July 1992. Days earlier her 19-year-old son Dzevad, a civilian, had been killed by gunfire between Croat, Muslim and Serb forces. She was bundled on to a bus to Zasavica with three other women. “I was still shocked about my son’s death. I wasn’t really thinking about what might happen... I didn’t imagine that there were worse things than being killed.”

‘I just want justice’
The women were taken to an empty house to stay. One day, as she was walking to the house, Agic was stopped by a Serb paramilitary. “The main thing that I remember is that it was very hot. I couldn’t stand the heat. In the middle of the street, there was a man in a uniform. He was drunk... He was a Serb. All my attention was focused on his eyes, because I saw he was very angry. I stood in front of him, looking straight into his eyes. He took me to a nearby house... took me into the bedroom and put his gun on the bed and asked me ‘Do I have to use the gun?’.” She was repeatedly raped until she was freed in a prisoner exchange in May 1993. She returned to Zivinice, the town of her birth, and tried to rebuild her life, helped by Vive Zene Tuzla, which has given her counselling for the last three years.

Investigators from Bosnia’s State Investigation and Protection Agency began gathering evidence three years ago to indict a man suspected of raping Agic. The case has yet to go to trial. “I just want justice,” said Agic. But her case is just one of dozens being investigated at the Special Department for War Crimes, part of BiH’s Chief Prosecutor’s Office (CPO) in the capital Sarajevo. The department has the authority to transfer cases to lower-level courts throughout Bosnia.

Vesna Budimir heads it, and is aware that the future for women like Agic depends on the work of herself and her 16 prosecutors. She believes it is not true that accusations that war crimes committed by Bosnian Muslims against non-Muslims do not lead to prosecution: “We do not prioritise one ethnic group over the others.” Research appears to support her claims. A Bosnian Muslim prison guard, Veiz Bjelic, was jailed for six years in 2008 after the state court convicted him of war crimes including repeatedly raping a Serb woman between 1992 and 1993. Since it was formed in March 2005, the CPO has issued 20 indictments for sexual war crimes. But according to AI, the state court has only delivered final verdicts in 12 indictments against 15 defendants; 12 of the men were convicted and three acquitted.

The taboo associated with rape makes it hard for many victims to come forward. Gathering reliable witness testimony and medical evidence 15 years after the end of the war, limited resources, and a lack of political will to support the state court and CPO, make prosecutions harder still. David Schwendiman, former head of the Special Department for War Crimes, believes the Bosnian government has failed to support the prosecutor’s office and state court. Lack of money has forced the department to focus its efforts primarily on mass murder cases.

Judges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) at The Hague have presided over the first ever convictions for rape as a crime against humanity, setting a major legal precedent. But research by AI shows there have only been 18 trials that include charges of rape and/or sexual violence at the ICTY since it was created in 1993. A spokeswoman for the tribunal would not comment on the AI figure but said that 70 people had been indicted for war rape and/or sexual violence at the ICTY, and only three had been acquitted.

Pressure from outside
The international community could apply diplomatic pressure on Bosnia to improve its record on support services for victims and successful prosecutions. Bosnia wants EU membership, which means Brussels has leverage, while the US created the DPA and Bosnia’s Peace Implementation Council (the international body that implements the DPA) so Washington could also flex its diplomatic muscle.

Marko Prelec, Balkans project director at the International Crisis Group, said Bosnia’s government should not be allowed to squander the $60m the international community has so far donated to help establish the state court and state prosecutor’s office. “The international community should pressure Bosnia’s state government to fully staff and support its war crime office, which it has not done. A lot of international funds went into this. Bosnia must not be allowed to waste it through neglect of the institutions this international effort has built.”

The conflict has ended but Bosnia remains traumatised, struggling to deal with economic instability, including high unemployment, as well as its recent past. Victims and abusers continue to live side-by-side. Without justice and state support, the fault lines between ethnic groups may deepen as distrust and fear grow. Ethnic divisions in Bosnia seem to be widening. In many towns and cities, life is segregated; Serb families live in different areas to Bosnian Muslims and Croats. Many Serb children are taught a Serb curriculum and history, while Muslim children are taught a Bosnian Muslim version. Human rights groups stress that failing to provide redress to the victims of the last war may jeopardise Bosnia’s future stability.

Marek Marczyski, AI researcher for Bosnia, said: “Bosnia is very fragile. It’s the worst [now] since the end of the war.” He says that people in the former Yugoslavia were forced to deal with a history of ethnic conflict – including widespread atrocities committed in the 1940s by the Croat Ustase, Serb Chetniks and multi-ethnic Partisans, many of whom were never prosecuted. The crimes, particularly those of the Partisans, were not to be mentioned after the second world war. “You did not talk about the past. But people did talk about it, in their families, within their ethnic groups, yet there was no political mechanism by which these feelings could be expressed. The [last] war was a result of that: people wanted revenge. I don’t want to witness another revenge in 20 years’ time for what happened in the 1990s.”

Even if there is no further armed conflict, war crimes must be prosecuted if the trust between ethnic communities in Bosnia is to have any chance of being rebuilt. But for Emina Rahmanovic it is already too late. Her rapists took away her faith in humanity. “I became numb to the feeling of grief. When someone died, it was not a big deal anymore. Today, it is the same. When someone in my family dies, I cannot feel that sadness. It has never been the same afterwards. When someone needs help or needs something, I would gladly help them out, whatever they ask for. But when it comes to love, I can’t.”

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Rajeshree Sisodia is a journalist based in London

(1) Emina Rahmanovic’s name has been changed to protect her identity.

(2) The conflict claimed around 100,000 lives and was on ethnic lines between Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats.

(3) Amnesty International, Whose Justice? The Women of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still Waiting, London, September 2009.

(4) See map on our website by Philippe Rekacewicz, “Bosnia - the Dayton partition (21 September 1995)”, and for a good background on ethnic groups in former Yugoslavia, read Jean-Arnault Dérens, “Forgotten peoples of the Balkans”, both at Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, January 1999 and August 2003 respectively.

(5) No one from the Republika Srpska ministry of justice was available for comment despite attempts to contact officials.


UK: Million Women Rise to demand an end to institutionalised male violence against women Print E-mail


Million Women Rise is a coalition of individual women and representatives from the Women’s Voluntary and Community Sector who have come together to organise an annual national demonstration against male violence which coincides with International Women’s Day in March each year.

Details of 2010 march
SATURDAY 6 MARCH 2010
12pm MEET Opposite Hyde Park (Speakers Corner End) on PARK LANE
(Nearest Tubes: 1 Min from Marble Arch)

MARCH ROUTE set off 1pm: OXFORD ST, REGENTS ST, PICCADILLY!

RALLY AND CELEBRATION: 3 - 4.30PM TRAFALGAR SQUARE
(Nearest Tube: Piccadilly Circus, Leicester Square, Charing Cross)

AFTER MARCH CELEBRATION: 4.30pm - 1am ALL welcome. Food, performances, swimming pool, DJs and chill-out space. Entry fee on the door ­ donation if unwaged, £5 low-waged and £10 waged. The 52 Club, http://www.the52club.co.uk, 52 Gower Street WC1E6EB, a wheelchair accessible venue.

TOGETHER WE WILL END MALE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

In sisterhood and solidarity Million Women Rise

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Definition of violence
MWR believe male violence against women and children is a global pandemic. Violence includes domestic violence, rape and sexual violence, sexual harassment, female genital mutilation, forced marriage, crimes in the name of honour, trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation. Most violence against women and children is perpetrated by men, and predominantly by men that they know. The experience and impact of violence upon women and children constitutes a serious violation of human rights.

Violence devastates the lives of women, our families, and our communities. It also threatens to undermine efforts to bring about sustainable development. Therefore our campaign to end violence against women is an international struggle for female emancipation and liberty.
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Why women only?
The Million Women Rise march is open to all women and children. We have planned for the march to be women-only for a number of reasons:
 
Women and children in the UK and elsewhere around the world continue to experience violence every minute of every hour of every day in our homes, on our streets, on our public transport, at our places of work and in countries where there is war. The idea for the Million Women Rise event came from a group of women who dreamed of a strong visible presence of thousands of women marching together, in unity, to say 'enough is enough'.   
 
Women have been socially, culturally and economically conditioned to defer to men, to take our lead from men, to behave in ways approved of by men. On this particular day, we want women to come and feel the strength, the exhilaration and power of being with other women, to celebrate ourselves, to sing, shout and chant at the top of our voices, in all our diversity, to demonstrate however we want because we're women in the company of other women.

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Sabrina Qureshi, co-ordinator of Million Women Rise, starting off the rally
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 From Hannah Nicklin's photostream
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Speakers for 2010

Cath Elliot, trade union and feminist activist, blogger

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Charlotte, singer songwriter
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Eleanor Lisney, Disability Awareness in Action was born and bred Malaysian Chinese. After her studies and marriage in England, she spent a considerable time in France being wife, and mother of two lovely children in France before her continuing studies and work in the USA. She returned to UK after her divorce.

Eleanor is passionate about access and works for inclusive travel for women and Disabled people, setting up a social enterprise, Connect Culture, connecting inclusive travel with different cultures including disability culture. As an information specialist and access advisor, she works for Disability Awareness in Action, an information network on disability and human rights providing information and evidence to support disabled people in their own actions to secure their rights ­ at all levels: local, national, regional and international.

She is the access coordinator for the Million Women Rise Rally 2010. She is a member of the CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) working group for Women Policy Forum (W.A.I.T.S), in Birmingham and on the Executive Committee for the Council of Disabled People, Warwickshire and Coventry.
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Femi Otitoju,
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Jennifer McDermott, Cassandra Learning Centre
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Judith Adorkorach, CARE International, Northern Uganda
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Leila Parnian, Iranian Women's League
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Michelle Daley is a freelance trainer and consultant in disability equality and diversity issues and has played a key role in promoting and influencing the inclusion of disabled people in the mainstream.

Michelle is a survivor of special education and now campaigns for an inclusive education system. She is also a founder member of the 2020 Campaign. For a number of years Michelle has actively worked at the grass root level addressing issues such as access, education, independent living and cultural diversity. She has worked for a number of organisations both at local, national and international level to develop, promote and implement policies on equality and diversity.
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Justice Hotep, artist, actress, film director
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Patsy McKie, Mothers Against Violence
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Sarah Bennett, singer
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Sharon Facey, Cassandra Learning Centre
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Shatha Besarani, Iraqi Women's League UK
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Suswati Basu, student, writer, and activist is a student at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London studying Mandarin and History. She credits the support of her mother for the ease in which she has self described as a feminist for years. And Suswati proudly proclaims an insatiable interest in the rights of women in London and beyond.

Suswati's activism takes many forms. She is a member of London Feminist Network and when in London regularly participates in LFN's annual 'Reclaim the Night'. In the university milieu she is a member of The Women's Society at SOAS (and was for a time the organisation's president), and she had a major role in organising protests against university women's participation in beauty pageants. Currently working closely with the Women and Girls Network, she hopes to represent the reality faced by young women today. She regularly organises fundraising events and publicly speaks about the problems within a professional institution.

Suswati has been working with local women activists in China and laying the ground work for future research based trips to the East.

Originally published in Subtext magazine, written by Debra V. Wilson
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Vivienne Hayes, Women's Resource Centre
Vivienne Hayes is the Chief Executive of the Women's Resource Centre (WRC). WRC is the national umbrella body for the women's voluntary and community sector, providing capacity building services to member organisations working to improve the lives of women, and consulting on and responding to government policy affecting the sector. She studied sociology at Warwick University, Women's History at Essex University and more recently Management at Westminster University. Vivienne's first inspiration comes from her mother, a working class woman who left school in her early teens to work in a factory, but who impressed upon her children the importance of education and an open mind. Vivienne has spent the last 20 years working in the women's sector, both delivering and managing services. Her passion is to support and improve the life experiences of women and their children, and most of her work has focused on this. Having grown up during a time when feminism and equalities issues were firmly on the agenda, Vivienne recognises the need to continue to raise these issues at a time when things seem to be slipping back in terms of progress for women and the whole equalities debate.

Vivienne is a Trustee of Rosa, the UK women's fund and has recently been appointed a commissioner of the Women's National Commission. She is also Chair of HEAR, London's regional equalities and human rights VCS network.
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Zeinab Burma, Sudanese Mothers for Peace
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The F-Word   

contemporary UK feminism 7 March 2010

Million Women Rise 2010

By Jess McCabe
Thousands of women marched through central London yesterday for Million Women Rise, to demand an end to the “continued daily, hourly, minute-by-minute individual and institutionalised male violence enacted against women worldwide”.

The third Million Women Rise was just as inspiring and amazing as ever, as chants of “women, join us!”, whistling, shouts and singing reverberated through the crowd of women from across the country and beyond. It’s also great to see The Independent ran some photos!

Only one issue cast a pall on the day - the MWR organisers’ reluctance to make it public and clear on their website and flyers that trans women are welcome on the march and included in their signature chant, “One woman, One song, One body, One love”.

They say sit back - We say fight back!

They say silence - We say justice!

They say submit - We say don’t quit!

Power!

Power!

Power to the women

Cos the women got the power

Sister, can you hear it?

Getting stronger by the hour

Say it once, say it again

No excuse for violent men!

Say it once, say it loud

We are women, we are proud!

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 London ~ Sunday, 7 March 2010

The rights of woman: How far have they advanced?

Tomorrow is the 100th International Women's Day, and women everywhere this weekend are marching, celebrating and protesting. Emily Dugan on the journey of the century
Thousands of women joined the march in central London yesterday to demonstrate against continued male violence against women and to raise awareness of the issue (Jason Alden)

It was in a dingy socialist meeting hall a century ago in Copenhagen that women from 17 countries gathered and launched the idea of a day which would champion the rights of women. All over the world this weekend women are marching, celebrating and protesting, not least in London where last night thousands of people thronged Trafalgar Square to mark the 100th International Women's Day.

The theme chosen this year is progress: the progress women have made in the past century, and the long journey that many have ahead of them. The latest statistics on the lot of women in Britain and around the world suggest that some undoubted gains over those 100 years have now stalled, or been reversed, more recently.

Just 19.5 per cent of the MPs in Britain are women; a record so poor that it puts the UK 69th in the world for our proportion of female parliamentarians – behind Afghanistan, the United Arab Emirates and Pakistan. Of course, 100 years ago women had no vote and would wait almost another decade to get a single MP with no Y chromosome, but equality is further off than it might appear. According to a hard-hitting report by the Fawcett Society to be published tomorrow, at the current rate of progress it will take 200 years to achieve an equal number of women in Parliament.

When it comes to implementing the laws of the land, women have even less say than in Westminster – and are now losing what little input they had. In 2008/09, the number of women applying for Queen's Counsel was at its lowest level in 10 years. Higher up, there is only one female judge on the UK Supreme Court and just 15 of 109 High Court judges are female.

The picture is not much better for those at the other end of the legal system: two-thirds of the women in prison are there for non-violent crime, compared to 45 per cent of men; and since 1997 the female prison population has soared – increasing by 60 per cent, as opposed to a 28 per cent rise for men.

Although women's freedoms in Britain are clearly manifest and to be celebrated, some women have yet to benefit. The broadcaster and parliamentary candidate Esther Rantzen says: "There are still women in this country who are forced into marriages, very subservient to the men in their families – I'm told there are women who are told how to vote by men. I'm very aware that the freedoms I was brought up to prize – equality of education, equality of ambition – aren't available to all the women in the UK."

There are also reasons to be troubled by the numbers exposed to violence. Some three million women in the UK undergo rape, domestic violence, trafficking, forced marriage and other violence every year. Twenty per cent of people still believe it is sometimes acceptable for a man to hit or slap his girlfriend if she is wearing revealing clothes in public.

But one cause for concern is more intangible: how women are perceived and how they see themselves. Natasha Walter, author of The New Feminism, is worried: "The eagerness for change has slowed. I think we've slowed down because of complacency: there was a feeling that the argument's been won and we've got the policies in place. Also, there's been a cultural change resulting from the mainstreaming of the sex industry, which has narrowed the options of young women as to what being attractive is."

All this is arguably a side issue for the five million or so women living in poverty in Britain. Women have 40 per cent more chance of being poor than men, with the gender pay gap still at 16.4 per cent for full-time work and 35 per cent for part-time.

The figures from the Fawcett Society suggest that Britain has some way to go before its society can be considered equal. Ceri Goddard, the Fawcett's chief executive, says: "Since the first International Women's Day, the feminist movement has achieved some pretty totemic successes – the right to vote, an equal pay act, and more access to education and work. But, for all the strides we've made, many of our successes are fragile: for example, after the increases of 1997 we might well end up with fewer female MPs this time. It's clear that we still need a major push to get women's equality away from the margins and into the centre of the key debates."

Campaigners yesterday highlighted the universal challenges faced by women around the world. Of course, the hardship and challenges faced by women in Britain can seem almost insignificant when compared to that tackled daily by those living in countries blighted by poverty, oppressive regimes and institutionalised misogyny. In the developing world, access to education, proper health care and basic freedoms can be forever blocked if you are born female. On the following page, the IoS has highlighted six personal experiences that illustrate some of these of these issues.

Ellie Levenson, author of The Noughtie Girl's Guide to Feminism, says the solution lies in choosing the right battles. "Internationally, there are huge issues about women being denied basic human rights – from female genital mutilation, which also happens here, to women not being allowed to go out on their own, being denied passports or not allowed to drive. Domestically, we have fights for equal pay in the workplace. In the home, while men do more child care, there are other areas such as care for the elderly and even cleaning."

The charity Concern, whose Women Can't Wait campaign will be launched tomorrow, draws attention to the fact that, for the first time in human history, there are more than a billion people going to bed hungry every night – and the majority of these are women. Phoebe Asiyo, a women's rights advocate in Kenya who is now the UN Development Fund for Women's goodwill ambassador, said: "Women are still more likely than men to be at risk of hunger because of systematic discrimination. It is unacceptable that though poor women produce the majority of food, they make up the majority of the world's hungry."

But there are reasons to be optimistic. In Britain, though the pay gap persists, there are signs that it is closing. Women's median weekly earnings for full-time employment rose by 3.4 per cent between 2008 and 2009, men's rose by just 1.8 per cent. In health care, life expectancy for women in Britain continues to outstrip men's. Opinions are changing, too. A survey for the Government's Equalities Office, to be released tomorrow, shows that 63 per cent of Britons believe there are too few women in Parliament.

Worldwide, some 39 million girls are denied even a primary education, but in the UK girls consistently outperform boys at school.

So are things still improving for women? That is certainly what the historian Lisa Jardine believes. "Britain loves to think things are slipping back, but things are systematically improving for women – it's just that we expect more. Women's expectations will stop being 'realistic' when they reach absolute parity with men. I don't know when it will happen, but it will happen."

Million Women Rise: Thousands join the march through the streets of London
If the theme was oppression, the mood was anything but. Whistles, songs, chants and cheers drowned out the regular din of a Saturday lunchtime on Oxford Street as thousands of women rejoiced in their collective – if temporary – power. Men on the pavement watched open-mouthed, unsure what to make of the colourful spectacle of yesterday's Million Women Rise march in London.

Monique Stretton could have told them. The 21-year-old from Leicester says that, for her, turning up was all about showing any of the three million women who experience violence every year in the UK they are not alone. "Hopefully, people who need help and who walk past will realise there is support out there and make that phone call," she says.

All along the route from Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park to Trafalgar Square, people are transfixed by the display of female solidarity. Camera phones flash as passers-by capture the moment. Bizarrely, it's mainly men who are taking pictures. "It's always the men," says Amy White, 24. "They take them while clutching on to their girlfriends."

Marchers like Amy and Monique embody the latest wave of women who are standing up for their rights, specifically in this instance not to be abused. They are young and passionate about their cause. "It's events like this that make people realise there is a feminist movement. It's celebratory, not angry," Amy adds.

For Sabrina Qureshi, who started the marches three years ago, the events are about raising awareness of violence against women. "I'd just had enough. A young woman I used to work with saw a man attack a woman in the street and she felt really powerless to do anything. So we decided to march to increase our visibility and to show that there is a way forward, a shared vision of a world without violence."

Qureshi adds they are helping to empower a whole new generation. "My three-year-old niece, who has been on all three marches, now calls herself a 'super she-ro feminist'." What she made of the event is not clear but four-year-old Zayna, who came with her mum, Syreeta Loney, was definitely impressed. "It's very big." Which, one hopes, sums up the impact it will have had.

Susie Mesure

'Parity with men will happen...'
It's clear women can do anything boys can do. What's disappointing is men aren't interested in doing everything women can do. Why isn't every union campaigning for men's rights to equivalent paternity leave?

Bea Campbell, Feminist and Green Party candidate

Things are systematically improving for women – it's just we expect more. Women's expect- ations will stop being 'realistic' when they reach parity with men. It will happen.

Lisa Jardine, Professor of Renaissance Studies at Queen Mary, University of London

All over the world women are raped, buried under veils or stoned to death. Middle-class women here have got it made. They should be standing up for women without a voice.

Claire Rayner, Agony aunt and vice-president of the British Humanist Association

We are at the stage of reassessing: women's rights are becoming women's choices. A lot was done quickly, heads down. It's time we got our heads up, looked round and made choices.

Jane Robinson, Social historian

There are huge issues about women being denied basic human rights internationally – from female genital mutilation, which also happens here, to women not being allowed to go out on their own.

Ellie Levenson, Author, 'Noughtie Girl's Guide to Feminism'

Australia: Proud of Germaine Greer, a brave and passionate advocate for liberty, especially women’s Print E-mail
THE SUNDAY AGE ~ Melbourne ~ March 7 2010

Liberty belle

By  ANNE SUMMERS
Read also: "Arrogant, misnformed Sydney playwright Louis Nowra's character assassination of Germaine Greer serves only to remind of her ageless value for women"

IN MID-1970 I went to a seminar on The Female Eunuch where I met a woman who had covered her copy of the book with brown paper and had to hide it among her shoes so that her husband would not see it. I have often wondered since if that woman became one of the legions who gained the courage from Greer's book to leave a marriage that had been contracted on the basis of inequality.

Whether you admire Greer or find her infuriating or, like many people including myself, you have both reactions, often simultaneously, there is no getting around the fact that she was and remains a brave and passionate advocate for liberty, especially for women.

She has always been a flamboyant figure, not afraid of upsetting or shocking people, willing to be assertive and argumentative and to stride in polemically where others are too timid to tread. At the same time, she has chalked up impressive scholarly achievements as both a teacher and a writer of books on literary subjects including female artists and Shakespeare's wife.

But her greatest achievement is, of course, The Female Eunuch, published 40 years ago, still in print, translated into 12 languages and a book whose influence is impossible to exaggerate.

Sometimes a book changes everything, and this was such a book.

It was part of a wave of books that created and defined the emerging women's liberation movement, a gathering storm of female protest that eventually morphed into the more sedate equality-seeking feminism that still battles on today. There was Kate Millett's Sexual Politics, The Dialectic of Sex by Shulamith Firestone and the reader Sisterhood Is Powerful edited by Robin Morgan. All were incendiary, life-changing books that were eagerly devoured by a generation of women on the cusp of self-realisation. But none had the impact of The Female Eunuch.

There were two reasons for this. While the other books were mostly about attacking the patriarchy and, by extension, men, Greer had ''feminine parasites'' in her sights: ''What they can tolerate is intolerable for a woman with any pride.''

Greer wanted women to change as much as she wanted to tear down the patriarchy; she was not about giving women excuses for failing to be free.

Secondly, there was Greer herself. She epitomised the coming together of the sexual revolution of the '60s with the women's movement of the '70s. Whereas the other early feminist writers tended to be dour and earnest, using words as their their weapons, Greer was sexy and provocative, willing to pose naked, her body part of her armoury.

Whereas Kate Millett attacked Norman Mailer, describing him as ''a prisoner of the virility cult'', Germaine Greer flirted with him during the infamous and memorable ''Town Bloody Hall'' debate in New York in April 1971 when Mailer chaired a discussion of his provocative essay The Prisoner of Sex before a rowdy female audience. (The event was filmed by D. A. Pennebaker and Chris Hegedus and is available on DVD.)

Greer was often, and still is, attacked by other feminists for not toeing the party line. Back then, it was for what she wore (revealing too much flesh for the puritans of the movement) and for being ''male-identified'', which used to be a crime in the early days of a movement that was still trying to define itself and its parameters. But Greer always was, and remains, an iconoclast and an individualist rather than a foot soldier of feminism.

She is, in fact, a true Australian larrikin, which is a huge part of her charm.

Even so, I heard her speak in Sydney last year, at the launch of her little book On Rage, where she spoke movingly of the ways in which women's stories had sustained her and nourished her and made it possible to write every one of her books. In saying this, she seemed to be putting herself into the movement, and there is no doubt from the huge crowds (of mostly women) who pay to see her whenever she makes a public appearance in Australia that she is very welcome. We are proud of her, and glad she is one of us.

Although not everyone thinks so. Just this week she has been the subject of a cruel and very personal attack by the Sydney writer Louis Nowra, who wrote that, these days, Greer ''looks like a befuddled and exhausted old woman'' who ''has become a grotesque character called Germaine Greer''.

Apparently Louis is upset because Greer failed, all those years ago, to make his mother a feminist. Other women read the book and left their husbands, he writes; his mother stayed with her violent husband and ''festered into inexplicable fury''. She had to be rescued by her son whose court-room testimony put his stepfather in prison. Nowra has clearly never forgiven Greer but just as unkind as his words is the cover photograph of the magazine which brutally captures all the lines of life on her face.

Greer is 71 this year. She has chosen to age naturally, and not resort to plastic surgery or the injections of poison that young women are deluded into imagining will improve their appearance. She ought to be applauded.

Instead we have an editor, smirking from the safety of his extreme youth, seeking to ridicule her.

It's a cheap shot.

Greer herself said of The Female Eunuch in 1970, in the summary introduction: ''If it is not ridiculed or reviled, it will have failed of its intention. If the most successful feminine parasites do not find it offensive, then it is innocuous.''

She might not have expected that, 40 years on, she would still be a target but you don't write a book that changes the world without making enemies.

Anne Summers' latest book is The Lost Mother (Melbourne University Press), annesummers.com.au.


Australia: Nowra’s character assassination of Germaine Greer reminds only of her value for women Print E-mail
THE AGE ~ Melbourne ~ Saturday March 6 2010

Guns out for Greer

By  Gabriella Coslovich

Read also "Australian Women proud of Germaine Greer, a brave and passionate advocate for liberty, notably fow womens emancipation"

FORTY years after its publication, Germaine Greer's seminal and incendiary The Female Eunuch is still making headlines. Greer, in all her un-Botoxed glory, a lifetime of performance, protest and provocation etched on her face, hand gesticulating, lips audaciously pursed, no doubt about to spit out something challenging, is the cover-girl of the latest edition of Melbourne magazine The Monthly.

Inside, Sydney playwright Louis Nowra examines the role of The Female Eunuch 40 years on - it is a critique that rapidly slides into character assassination. Greer got it wrong, he says. She looks ''like a befuddled and exhausted old woman'', she reminds him of his ''demented grandmother''.

''Her exhortation to women not to marry hasn't been taken up. And as for women opting out of their roles as principal consumers in the capitalist system, young women today love shopping more than ever,'' Nowra writes.

Gratuitous personal attacks aside, Greer would probably be neither surprised nor displeased by the virulence of Nowra's assessment. To polarise and galvanise was exactly as she intended.

''This book represents only another contribution to a continuing dialogue between the wondering woman and the world … If it is not ridiculed or reviled, it will have failed its intention,'' Greer wrote in the introduction to The Female Eunuch, published in 1970.

The work is a rousing, flamboyant and flawed polemic, which remains as seditious and confronting as ever. Greer wrote the book in the hope that ''women will discover that they have a will''. She incited a generation of women to ponder the significance of their lives, and some literally went wandering after reading it, leaving stifling marriages to forge a life beyond domestic servitude.

She encouraged women to think beyond their social conditioning. She challenged the concepts of marriage, the nuclear family and the obligation to breed. She pointed the finger at the prevailing culture of sexual harassment, wrote about the well-known television producer who ''sneaked in a wet kiss and a clutch at my breasts as an exercise of his power''. She excoriated the likes of Hugh Hefner, describing him as ''the master ponce of Western Society … who invented brothels where the whores are only to be looked at, which are brothels all the same''. (This didn't stop her from threatening to pose naked for Playboy or agreeing to be interviewed by the magazine.)

Greer also urged women to study, to become doctors, pilots, and even fashion designers, holding up the likes of Mary Quant as proof that women could succeed in business and that being successful was not incompatible with ''femininity''.

Quant, Greer wrote, "has had her pubic hair shaved into a heart-shape by her adoring husband, if that is what you fancy''.

So much for Greer being anti-fashion, anti-frippery or even anti-pubic-hair-removal. (Not that an interest in any of these precludes one from being a feminist or, if that term offends, from being concerned about equal rights for women.)

But The Female Eunuch, much like the Bible, or any other ambitious, contentious or poetic text, is open to interpretation - and manipulation. Where Nowra sees a critical misunderstanding of the essential nature of women (a problematic notion in itself), others see an enduringly powerful book that spoke to a generation of women who needed to hear they could escape highly prescribed and limiting gender roles.

''An orthodoxy was shattered just by the book being published and read,'' says Dr Ann Genovese, a senior lecturer at Melbourne University's law school.

Macquarie University's Professor Mary Spongberg, a cultural historian who agrees with most of Nowra's essay, nevertheless says he errs in underestimating the symbolic importance of Greer's book.

''I think it's easy to forget how blokey Australia was, and how women were relegated very much as second-class citizens; she gave women a voice and power,'' Spongberg says.

While it was Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex, not The Female Eunuch, that converted Eva Cox to feminism, she witnessed the undeniable influence of Greer's book. ''I have spoken to so many women who said the lights went off in their head. It was a very powerful book then; it is still a powerful book,'' says Cox, who was the leading spokeswoman for the Women's Electoral Lobby in the 1970s, and is the lobby's current national chairwoman.

She is scathing about Nowra's essay, and the decision of The Monthly's editor, Ben Naparstek, to publish it. ''I don't agree with all that Greer says, but there's a difference between disagreeing and sniping in this nasty, schoolboy manner. Ben could have used his editor's powers to ask serious questions about whether feminists got it wrong in the '70s, instead he chose to publish this carping crap,'' she says. ''It shows the immaturity of the editor, and the immaturity of the writer.''

Nowra is not the first man to discuss Greer, the woman, at greater length than her work - although in the past men were more likely to fantasise about her looks than ridicule them.

As Spongberg noted in an article published in the Women's History Review in 1993, even fellow expatriate Richard Neville could not resist the temptation to delve into Greer's physical attributes, describing her as ''both breasty and brainy, a scorching combination of Dorothy Parker and Raquel Welch''.

''Few of the men who wrote about Greer or The Female Eunuch ever dealt seriously with the issues she raised. What they discussed - often in copious detail - was the author's exotic looks, her outrageous behaviour and her negative view of women,'' Spongberg wrote in the article, colourfully titled, If She's So Great, How Come So Many Pigs Dig Her? Germaine Greer and the malestream press.

But Greer was no innocent bystander - she baited media attention, as she does still. Her brash behaviour put her at odds with some other feminists, who saw her as sabotaging and trivialising the campaign for women's rights.

While Greer monopolised the limelight, it was left to other second-wave '70s feminists, such as Cox and the Women's Electoral Lobby, to effect change. Greer played no part in the collective action that saw the introduction of domestic violence and sexual assault laws, equal pay legislation, no-fault divorce, unpaid maternity leave, child support, anti-discrimination laws and the establishment of women's refuges in Australia.

Not that Cox holds this against Greer - she had her role to play, and she played it well. Greer galvanised, others organised.

So did '70s feminists get things wrong? No doubt about it, says Cox. Caught up in the idealistic spirit of the times, '70s feminists ''were way too optimistic about making changes''.

''We have not gone far enough and we have to go further,'' Cox says. ''It's a very different world to the one we grew up with, but it's not nearly different enough. Women still earn less money, the workplace has become even more macho, people are working longer hours.''

Cox and Spongberg argue that women should have done more to challenge workplace structures, to question a culture that rewards workaholic tendencies.

''We thought technology would create leisure,'' adds Cox. ''We got that thoroughly wrong, and one of the reasons we got that thoroughly wrong was that the neo-liberal revolution turned up in the late '70s, with Thatcherism and Reaganism, and with that came that whole idea that the market would provide everything … All we talk about these days is economics, so everything has become commodified, women's bodies, plastic surgery.''

The language used in the World Economic Forum's 2007 report into the global gender gap is telling. The whole point of the report is to highlight, and help address, the enduring inequalities between men and women. And why? Because "gender-based biases are detrimental to today's global marketplace''.

The wording of the post-recession 2009 report is a little less narrow, acknowledging that ''from a values and social perspective, empowering women and providing them with equal rights and opportunities for fulfilling their potential is long overdue''.

Unsurprisingly, the 2009 report finds there is still much work to be done in education, health, the workplace, legislation and politics before women around the globe enjoy the same opportunities as men. Even in those countries where women are educated and healthy, they still face barriers entering the workforce and in achieving positions of leadership.

This is something that Nowra's essay either wilfully or lazily ignores. He perfunctorily quotes American figures to support his argument that Greer got it wrong - showing that when she wrote her book 4 per cent of American wives earned more than their husbands, and ''now this figure is verging on 20 per cent''.

''And today most women are [as] well or better educated than their partners,'' he writes.

Whether he is talking about most American women, or most Australian women, or most women worldwide is unclear.

It is certainly true that in Australia more women go on to tertiary studies than men. Why then do they continue to be under-represented in Parliament, ministerial positions, and as legislators, senior officials and managers? Why on average do they earn 17 per cent less than men and why have the pay differentials gone backwards in recent decades? Why are occupations that are traditionally seen as women's work, such as nursing, teaching and childcare, typically lower paid than male-dominated industries? Why is a superannuation crisis looming for women, who on average have $3 for every $10 men have in their super accounts?

GENOVESE adds another pertinent question to the mix: "Why do we think writing an article that denigrates someone in terms of their age and appearance … is OK in a major cultural publication?"

For Eve Mahlab, a former Australian businesswoman of the year and the co-founder of the Australian Women Donors Network, the metaphor of the female eunuch - the castrated woman - remains powerfully relevant. The missing bit, as Mahlab sees it, is women's self-esteem.

Is it any wonder? We live in times when women are constantly given advice on how to live and what to aspire to, to safeguard their most precious gift of virginity, to put having children before completing their PhDs, to lower their standards (as Lori Gottlieb suggests in her book Marry Him: The Case for Settling for Mr Good Enough), to stay skinny, cook, clean and do as men say (as Dante Moore suggests in his book The Re-Education of the Female, reasoning that ''You're alone because you've forgotten … you're a woman.'')

Which brings to mind the words of de Beauvoir, writing in 1949: ''We are exhorted to be women, remain women, become women. It would appear, then, that every female human being is not necessarily a woman.''

And then you have publicists such as Max Markson who recently said of his ''celebrity'' client Lara Bingle (only days before the scandal broke over the naked photo in the shower) ''it's because of her relationship with Australian cricketer Michael Clarke that makes her interesting. Without him, her worth would be cut to about a fifth.'' And yet, ''she is inspirational and aspirational to young girls, and every guy wants her''.

Amid all this cultural noise, Greer's clarion call to women to ''find a will'' has more contemporary relevance than some might care to admit.

In the words of Zora Simic, Sydney academic and co-author of The Great Feminist Denial: ''I know that for many feminists - myself included - any ambivalence about Germaine Greer, and what she's written, is usually balanced out by a deep gratitude that she's still here, and she's still so compelling.''


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 London ~ Wednesday, 3 March 2010

'Germaine Greer? She has no idea what makes women tick,' says Nowra

40th anniversary of 'The Female Eunuch' provokes astonishing attack on seminal text of women's liberation

By Kathy Marks in Sydney
Germaine Greer's vision of how women would live has been branded [very incorrectly] 'hopelessly middle class' (REUTERS)

Germaine Greer's The Female Eunuch is considered a seminal text of the women's liberation movement. But according to a fellow Australian writer, Louis Nowra, Greer fundamentally misunderstood how women tick, and modern realities have debunked her vision of how they would live after casting off traditional shackles.

In an essay to mark The Female Eunuch's 40th anniversary, Nowra lambasts the book as "hopelessly middle class" and Greer's depiction of women as misogynistic. The playwright and novelist writes: "She wanted women to undergo a profound change in the way they viewed themselves and their relationships with men. If you look at how Greer thought this could happen and what actually did, then our contemporary world must come as a disappointment to her."

In the essay, published in The Monthly, a current affairs magazine, Nowra not only attacks Greer's work, but criticises her appearance, her character and even her sanity. "She will do anything to get noticed," he says, adding that when Greer appeared on the reality TV show Celebrity Big Brother, she looked like "a befuddled and exhausted old woman" who reminded him of "my demented grandmother".

His comments are likely to raise the hackles of a generation of women who still regard the book – published in Australia in May 1970 and in Britain five months later – as life-changing.

Nowra does acknowledge its influence, writing: "A journalist friend gave it to her mother, who after reading it left her husband. There were countless similar stories." However, he accuses Greer of failing to understand the lives of working-class women, few of whom read The Female Eunuch, he believes, "with its many quotes from Nietzsche, Blake and Shakespeare".

He also ridicules her for exhorting women to give up clothes and make-up. Far from "opting out of their roles as principal consumers in the capital system," he writes, "young women today love shopping more than ever".

Greer's book was published when she was just 31 and it brought her instant fame. Since then, she has rarely been far from controversy. Nowra, too, enjoys stirring up a storm. His 2007 non-fiction work Bad Dreaming, about abuse in Aboriginal communities, drew bitter criticism.

Nowra, who lives a studiedly bohemian life with his writer wife, Mandy Sayer, in Sydney's red-light area, Kings Cross, pokes fun at Greer for urging women to shun marriage and cosmetic surgery. Women are still getting married, he observes, and Botox injections have become virtually a "rite of passage".

He also claims that Greer was "hopelessly idealistic" in her expectation that women would use power differently from men. "Once in possession of it [power], women are just as likely as men to enforce hierarchies and use power for corrupt or ignoble ends," he writes.

Nowra attacks not only The Female Eunuch, which was translated into 11 languages and has sold millions of copies. He pours scorn on Greer's follow-up, The Whole Woman, published in 1999, as well as a recent biography of Shakespeare's wife, Anne Hathaway. He concludes: "As she's grown older, her writings have become increasingly daft; there's now a sense that she is impersonating – even parodying – herself. She has become a grotesque character called Germaine Greer."

Extract: The Female Eunuch
"Maybe I don't have a pretty smile, good teeth, nice tits, long legs, a cheeky arse, a sexy voice. Maybe I don't know how to handle men and increase my market value, so that the rewards due to the feminine will accrue to me. Then again, maybe I'm sick of the masquerade. I'm sick of pretending eternal youth. I'm sick of belying my own intelligence, my own will, my own sex. I'm sick of peering at the world through false eyelashes, so everything I see is mixed with a shadow of bought hairs; I'm sick of weighting my head with a dead mane, unable to move my neck freely, terrified of rain, of wind, of dancing too vigorously in case I sweat into my lacquered curls. I'm sick of the Powder Room. I'm sick of pretending that some fatuous male's self-important pronouncements are the objects of my undivided attention, I'm sick of going to films and plays when someone else wants to, and sick of having no opinions of my own about either. I'm sick of being a transvestite. I refuse to be a female impersonator. I am a woman, not a castrate."



Cora Weiss: Burma’s tortured women abandoned, yet WB & Foreign $s aplenty for the tiger, gas & oil Print E-mail
 UK-US ~ 4 March 2010

Burma may save its tigers and not its women

Cora Weiss*, reporting on the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women of Burma - an overwhelming day of stories told by remarkable women of all ages of inhumanity leaving the listeners wondering how the women could have survived.

The World Bank is determined to play conservationist and protect the last of the 3200 wild tigers, down from 100,000 a century ago, most in Burma, but finds it is “shackled from doling out aid” to this South East Asian nation. But shackles also seem to be in place when it comes to a robust policy to demand freedom for Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, her National League for Democracy adherents and thousands of Burmese members of traditional ethnic groups jailed or abused following a democratically held election in May 1990 which gave her party 80% of parliamentary seats. The military coup following that election has left the natural resource wealthy country drowning in the most egregious human rights abuses including documented child soldiers, sexual violence, forced labour, slavery, destruction of entire villages of the many ethnic groups, extra judicial killings, over a million internally displaced persons and a record of being condemned for this by the UN for the past 15 years.

This is the background that led to the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women of Burma, held on March 2nd in New York City as one of nearly 200 parallel civil society sponsored events during the United Nations 54th Commission on the Status of Women annual conference.

Recommendations from the judges, Nobel Peace laureates, Jody Williams and Shirin Ebadi, Thai law Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn and Prof. Heisoo Shin of Korea’s Women’s University, include those to Burma’s military regime to:
  • STOP all forms of violence against women;
  • STOP attacks and persecution against ethnic nationalities and groups;
  • RELEASE immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners;
  • GRANT access to UN agencies and NGO humanitarian groups;
  • PROVIDE access to and cooperate with United Nations and human rights organizations to monitor human rights within Burma;
  • RATIFY all human rights treaties…;

To the Asia-Pacific region including ASEAN to:
  • IMPEL Burma to comply with the ASEAN Charter and international legal obligations and human rights standards;
  • INVITE the ASEAN Human Rights Commission to submit reports covering particular issues related to Burma;
  • SUPPORT the establishment of the ASEAN Commission for Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children, including consideration of the situation in Burma;

To the international community, particularly the United Nations, to:
  • URGE states to take collective action to ensure the implementation of SCRs 1325, 1820, 1888,and 1889 guaranteeing women’s full participation in post conflict reconstruction and freedom from all forms of sexual violence;
  • URGE the UN Security Council to refer Burma to the International Criminal Court,

To civil society to:
  • CONTINUE to actively engage with the peoples of Burma inside and outside the country and to mobilize public pressure at all levels to raise consciousness of the crimes and violations being committed by the Burmese military regime against the peoples of Burma, especially women and children.

Convened by the Nobel Women’s Initiative and the Women’s League of Burma, the Tribunal brought 12 Burmese women to testify on Violence Against Women, Civil and Political Violations, and Economic, Social and Cultural Violations. They wanted to raise the visibility of Burma’s crimes against women; produce findings by eminent judges that respond to the testimonies and assign responsibility for human rights violations; engage members of the international community to their global responsibility to protect citizens whose governments are unable and or unwilling to do so; join others in calling for the release of political prisoners including Nobel Peace laureate Daw Aung Suu Kyi (daughter of General Aung San whose movement liberated Burma from Japan in 1945 which was followed by Burma’s independence as a democratic state in 1948); encourage support for activists working to promote justice, democracy, peace and equality for Burma; promote dialogue between women; value women’s perspectives in all movements to achieve peace and democracy; and to bolster the spirit of change for people within Burma. And they did just that. It was an overwhelming day of stories told by remarkable women of all ages of inhumanity leaving the listeners wondering how the women could have survived.

Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi asked, after we heard the list of recommendations, how we can expect the military dictatorship to respond to the demands of refugees from Burma. “We need to find a way for Burma to carry out our desires. When non democratic governments are accused, they use sovereignty as their excuse, saying we can’t interfere in their internal affairs.”

Shirin should know. She has defended human rights in her own country of Iran and is no longer welcome to practice law there. “We live in a globalized world. Globalization can only be effective when it can stop injustice and inequality. We’ve heard sad stories today. There are no courts and no justice. How long can we wait for these injustices to stop? We ask international organizations to listen to our recommendations. We urge the full participation of women in all post conflict decisions”, she said.

Jody Williams reminded us of the words we heard from the brave women who had the courage to participate, who broke the silence of the women still suffering unimaginable brutality, humiliation, and violations. Women who told their stories saying, “This is my witness”, and “We are prisoners in our own country”, “I am a refugee child of refugees”, “This story is a common story, so common as to become normal”. Jody promised to “amplify your cries, which will contribute to an end of impunity. Women should no longer be invisible”.

Before the proceedings began, I asked Jody why the NWI was doing this. “Justice hasn’t come to Burma. Our sister, Aung San Suu Kyi, is imprisoned (under house arrest). It’s a case of foiled democracy. The international community is not taking a consistent stand that will lead to justice for the people of Burma.”

I wanted to know why some of the 150 people in the audience decided to attend. Pam Yates, documentary film maker whose Reckoning is about the International Criminal Court, told me that the “Nobel Women’s Initiative is the most important organization for peace and security” and she senses that the cause of the Burmese women belongs in the ICC. Dr. Susan Maloney came from Los Angeles where her organization, Sister of Holy Names, works on trafficking of women and children. It is a coalition of 17 religious communities of women, not related to the Catholic Church, she said. Rhonda Copelon, the woman who helped to get rape during conflict declared a war crime in the Rome Statute, and who founded and led the CUNY International Women’s Human Rights Law Clinic, hoped that “these testimonies and the recommendations of the judges will become a force for governments, especially the US and the UN to consider their legal obligations either under international law, UN resolutions or the Charter to protect the people of Burma. When a government fails to protect its people there is the Responsibility to Protect resolution. We hope this event will be a vehicle to see the urgency- to do something sooner rather than later.”

May-Oo Mutran, a constitutional scholar, read the testimony of a woman we’ll call Ruth Tha who was imprisoned when she was five months pregnant for five years of hard labour for some violation of Art. 17.1 a law which she knew nothing about. Her job in her “death cell” was to catch 25 flies a day and if she didn’t she was beaten, which happened daily. Medical care was only available if the prisoners could pay for it, and having no money they received no treatment. When summoned to the so called clinic it was inevitably for sexual abuse.

We heard 12 such testimonies, each more devastating and brutal than the next. A middle school girl was kidnapped and I’ll spare you the details, but hard as it was for us to listen, think of how unbearable it must have been for these young women to have survived the ordeals and relive the experience every time they tell the stories.

Charlotte Bunch, founding director of the Center for Women’s Global Leadership at Rutgers University, wrote the guiding manual which was used to organize this Tribunal, following experiences of a previous tribunal in Tokyo. She served as moderator and explained that they wanted to “call attention to the suffering and resiliency of women in Burma and support their efforts.”

 Walking Amongst Sharp Knives, the 106 page report from the Karen Women’s Organization was released the day before the Tribunal. It details testimony from 95 women between the ages of 25 and 82, who have become village chiefs, and suffer unbelievable torture and abuses. The increase in the number of women as chiefs, a role traditionally played by men, is because the men have been brutally treated and killed by the Burmese Army. The women have been elected chiefs through the lowlands of Eastern Burma where the Karen ethnic minority of 7 million people try to live. Karen women have documented abuses including: crucifixion, burning people alive, rape and gang rape, including of girl children, torture, beatings, water torture, burying people up to their heads and beating them to death, arbitrary executions, beheadings, slave labour, and forcing them to provide so called comfort women to the Burmese Army. This remarkable report shows the challenges women assuming leadership face in a patriarchal and militarised society.

The Karen Women’s Organization report, like that of the Commissioners who served the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School, calls for a UN Security Council Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity inflicted by the Burmese military.

Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for most of the past 20 years and is barred from participating in the elections promised for this year which will no doubt result in continued militarisation with a parliament.

There is a long list of actions taken by US administrations from 1997 when Pres. Clinton banned investment in Burma, and Congress banned imports or loans, and Condi Rice called Burma an “outpost of tyranny”, and Bush likened Burma to Belarus and Cuba and the list goes on. But Chevron, which includes Unocal still works Burma’s gas fields; and while US companies cannot have clothes made there, they can profit from Burma’s oil and gas. China is building an oil pipeline, Thailand has rights to over a million cubic feet of natural gas and India has 5 trillion cubic feet! France, Thailand and Chevron have a pipeline which, according to a recent issue of Mother Jones, gave the junta a profit of over $1Billion. The economic ties are huge. Burma is a member of ASEAN with which the EU is negotiating a free trade agreement; China is heavily invested in Burma’s oil, gas and hydro electric power development. China and Russia have refused to let a Security Council resolution get passed even without language of genocide, or crimes against humanity.

Meanwhile, Suu Kyi’s appeal to be released from house arrest after the provocative and insane act of an American who swam to her house and whom she took in to dry was rejected by the Burmese Supreme Court last week. While the visit of a UN envoy in February prompted the release of an 82 yr old man held for 7 yrs under house arrest. And also this past month an American of Burmese origin, working for democracy, was sentenced to five years of hard labour on charges of carrying a forged identity card. Press about Burma is considerable, and action is zero. There is a full page horror story of the Rohingya refugees, a Burmese ethnic group, who sought refuge from military abuses in Burma, being seized, beaten, persecuted and abused in Bangladesh where they have lived for years. They are being forced back to Burma, now called Myanmar by the military junta, where they will face brutal treatment. Bangladesh offers no documentation, no identity, and they have no rights to education or other government services. Robberies, assaults and rapes have significantly increased, and according to the director of the Arakan project, they are either arrested, jailed or pushed back over the border.

The International Tribunal was a civil society model of a remarkable inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes. The United Nations should be doing this. And the Commission on the Status of Women, which meets annually and is reviewing and appraising the Beijing 4th World Conference on Women held 15 years ago, should have welcomed this to its meeting. The Beijing meeting was dedicated to Equality, Development and Peace. But the CSW has sadly ignored the peace leg from Beijing which should have been on its agenda. It is left to civil society to press for peace and for women to fully participate in the peace process.

“The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma is a struggle for life and dignity.” Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
* Cora Weiss is President of the Hague Appeal for Peace and UN representative for the International Peace Bureau.

Full text of the International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma findings and recommendations HERE
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