Recent Resources for Feminists
Global: World Bank & UNFAO tinker with definitions, building pretentious hope of an end to poverty Print E-mail
 May 29, 2014

The end of poverty?

by Thomas Pogge

WASHINGTON ­ As United Nations officials struggle to define the development priorities of the next 15 years, the U.N. Millennium Campaign, the World Bank, and many other organs of the development industry tell us that we are nearing the end of poverty. Yet, well over half of human beings are still suffering serious deprivations of poverty, such as child labor, chronic undernourishment, illiteracy, and lack of access to safe drinking water, shelter, sanitation, electricity, and essential medicines.

In some ways, conditions among humanity’s poorer half have improved over the last 25 years. But the trend depends heavily on the definitions and methods used for measurement.

The U.N. Food and Agricultural Organization recently transformed a steadily rising undernourishment trend into a steadily falling one by introducing an “improved methodology” that counts as undernourished only those whose caloric intake is “inadequate to cover even minimum needs for a sedentary lifestyle” for “over a year.” This definition excludes those who suffer other nutritional deficits (vitamins, proteins, minerals) and those who are not adequately nourished by the sedentary diet because they must do serious physical work in their home or for a living.

The World Bank similarly improved the extreme poverty trend by lowering its international poverty line from $1 per person per day in 1985 dollars to a grotesquely inadequate $1.25 in 2005 dollars.

The morally relevant comparison of existing poverty, in any case, is not with historical benchmarks but with present possibilities: How much of this poverty is really unavoidable today? By this standard, our generation is doing worse than any in human history.

To eliminate severe poverty, the poorer half of humanity would need only 6% of global household income – a shift of just 2.7% in their favor. Yet the global distribution is shifting in the opposite direction: The top 5% of humanity gained 2.9% of global household income between 1988 and 2008, and now capture nearly half.

In the same period, the share of the poorest 30% was compressed from 1.52% to 1.25%, despite all development assistance efforts. The benefit the poor derive from global growth is decimated by the narrowing of their slice of the expanding pie.

One crucial driver of national and global income polarization is regulatory capture, called “money in politics” on the left and “crony capitalism” on the right. Corporate and elite interests capture the basic rules of the economic system (governing investment, taxation, trade, intellectual property, etc), which so profoundly influence the economic distribution. The wealthiest agents have the strongest incentives and also the best opportunities to engage in concerted lobbying, and thus perpetually shift the rules in their own favor.

Involving a massive shift of regulation from the national to the supranational level, globalization has opened up a vast new arena for such lobbying. Its prime targets are officials of powerful states – especially in the United States, where political favors are legally for sale, and which still wields unrivaled power in international negotiations.

For those with lobbying clout, international rulemaking is typically easier to influence than national legislation. There is no democratic counterweight to contend with. Lack of transparency makes it easy to conceal influence. And moral concerns about proposed rules are easily dismissed with the remark that international relations are a jungle in which we cannot afford to endanger ourselves through moral self-restraints.

It is not surprising, then, that the last 30 years have seen the emergence of a dense and influential supranational rule system that favors banks, hedge funds, multinational corporations, and billionaires at the expense of a large majority of the world’s people.

Tax cheating and corruption are rife thanks to a worldwide network of tax havens, secrecy jurisdictions, shell companies, and sleazy banks. Poor populations are deprived of their natural resources while their unelected oppressors receive money and weapons to keep themselves in power.

Only affluent countries are still permitted to practice protectionism under rules grandfathered into the World Trade Organization agreements. Strong intellectual property protections are required from all WTO members, disrupting medical provision and food supplies in the developing world.

Weak environmental standards allow the affluent to burden the poor with the byproducts of their massive consumption, and weak labor rights push poor countries into a race to the bottom as they seek foreign investment by offering an underpaid and mistreatable workforce.

Development assistance can be helpful, but it also sustains the status quo by feeding the complacent belief that enough is being done. In any case, aid on its own cannot overcome the powerful headwind generated by a supranational institutional order designed by the rich for the rich.

To raise the income share of the poor, this order must be reformed. Some ideas in this direction are straightforward:
• Require the beneficial owners of all accounts to be known, and their income to be reported to their home country.
• Impose a global alternative minimum tax on multinational corporations to undercut their incentive to dodge national taxes.
• Stop recognizing dictators as entitled to sell “their” country’s natural resources, and to incur debts on its behalf.
• Impose a fee on protectionist subsidies both to discourage them and to compensate poor populations for the export opportunities they destroy.
• Curtail the delivery of arms into the developing world.
• Tax greenhouse gas emissions for development.
• Allow pharmaceutical innovators to be rewarded from public funds for the health impact of their product if they agree to sell it at or below manufacturing cost.
• Allow agricultural and green innovators to be rewarded from public funds for the nutritional and ecological impact of their innovation provided they license it for free around the world.
Only by changing the rules that generate and maintain vast global inequality can we actually realize the proclaimed ambition of our political leaders to end severe poverty by 2030. We must address its root causes, rather than treating its symptoms under the guise of charity.
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Thomas Pogge is the Director of the Global Justice Program and the Leitner Professor of Philosophy and International Affairs at Yale University. He is also a member of UNICEF's Social and Economic Policy Advisory Board.

Australia: Lucrative Govt funding for roads, railways etc, but men’s DV issues relatively neglected Print E-mail

 Melbourne ~ Tuesday 20 May 2014

Editorial:

How do we repair the broken families?

[Read also "Legislation enacted to halt slaying of men on the streets, but for DV-related murder of children & women compassion for the overwhelmingly male killer is the call!!"]

What is the leading contributor to early death and ill health for Victorian women in the prime of their life? Car accidents, perhaps? Breast cancer? Melanoma? No. Here is something that might shock you out of suburban complacency. That leading contributor to death and long-term poor health among women aged 15 to 45 is violence in the home or within an intimate relationship.

Women are bashed and murdered by men whom they trusted and loved. In every suburb in every city. They are abused and intimidated and fear for their lives if they dare to report the crime. Many people fail even to recognise it as a crime. Generation after generation has suffered, but only recently has our community grasped the appalling cost in lives lost or dreadfully damaged.

Here are the facts. The overwhelming number of perpetrators of domestic violence are men. The overwhelming number of victims are women. Tragically, children are often direct targets of rage and frustration in the family environment and too many suffer long-term psychological damage by witnessing parental violence. The contexts of domestic violence differ from one instance to another, but perpetrators take their cues from skewed attitudes they have observed personally or perhaps seen elsewhere in our community about the respective roles of men and women. Their actions stem from wrong-headed presumptions that men are entitled to control, and that women and children are subordinates.

We know the causes and societal contexts of domestic violence but we tend to adopt a defeatist attitude. We must stop casting our eyes down and pretending it is not happening.

There is an element in all this that politicians too readily ignore. Funding. Community Services Minister Mary Wooldridge has promised that an extra $4.5 million will be spent to protect women at high risk of domestic violence, but those who assist victims say another $16 million is needed just in this sub-sector alone.

Much more is needed to expand the capacity and geographical reach of programs aimed at changing the behaviour of men. And much more again is needed to fund Victoria's police, who are called to respond to hundreds of domestic violence incidents each week, and to fund the justice system, which is struggling to deal with tens of thousands of applications for family violence intervention orders each year. About one-third of such orders are breached.

Opposition Leader Daniel Andrews has promised that, if Labor wins government in November, he will set up a royal commission on family violence. That is a step forward and is welcomed by The Age, but millions of dollars should not be wasted raking over old ground. Instead, an inquiry should examine the deficiencies in the existing system and how it can be improved to world's best practice.

We need to understand how the best violence-prevention and behavioural-change programs work, and we need governments to fund them properly. We need better co-ordination between the disparate agencies that already deal with domestic violence issues, and we must ensure such services are readily available in Victoria's regional areas as well as in Melbourne.

Attitudes towards women are slowly changing, thanks in part to enlightened men who publicly denounce violence and champion equality in all forms. But as a community we do not do anywhere near enough to prevent family violence and we are not entirely competent dealing with its aftermath. Each of us needs to wake up to the dark secret that is destroying families in Australia. We need to become informed about what can and must be done. We need to be brave and to report violent and threatening behaviour so that we can try to protect the most vulnerable among us.

Governments boast about billions of dollars they might spend on new roads, railways or ports. If they could peel off $1 billion to repair broken families, it would surely make a mountain of difference to our world.
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 Melbourne ~ Tuesday April 29, 2014

Victorians must speak out to tackle culture of violence against women and children

By  Natasha Stott Despoja

(Illustration: John Spooner)

Kelly Thompson, Luke Batty, Fiona Warzywoda, Indiana and Savannah – these are names that have dominated the news in recent weeks and months. They are the names of just some of those whose lives have been violently cut short in circumstances we struggle to comprehend.

The confronting nature of their deaths has generated outrage and highlighted the prevalence and severity of violence against women and their children.

These incidents have triggered an outcry and what the chief executive of Domestic Violence Victoria, Fiona McCormack, has described as "fury" among those working in the sector.

These cases represent the tip of the iceberg.


A woman is killed nearly every week in Australia by a male partner or ex-partner – often while she is trying to leave the relationship. Most of these murders are the ultimate act in a longer history of domestic violence.

The "retaliatory" murders of children – where the intention is to cause maximum possible pain and harm to the other parent – again usually occur in the context of a history of domestic violence, and are most often perpetrated by fathers or stepfathers.

Most men are not violent. But the vast majority of acts of domestic violence are perpetrated by men against women. Men have to take responsibility.

Figures from the 2012 Australian Bureau of Statistics show that women are more than three times more likely than men to have experienced violence by an intimate partner since 15 years of age.

The same research highlights that there is significant under-reporting of violence against women, with an estimated 67 per cent of women not contacting police after recent incidents of physical assault by a male.

Other research has shown that more than a third of women who experienced violence by a previous partner said their children had witnessed the violence.

We need to ask what it is – in the messages our society sends to men about masculinity, relationships, and how they should treat women – that makes some feel they can not only be violent towards women and their children, but kill them. Men, above all, need to ask these questions.

These are uncomfortable questions – we do not want to think that in 2014 our society continues to treat women and men differently. But the research tells us that it is attitudes toward gender roles, and power differentials between men and women, that are the most significant factors determining levels of violence against women and their children.

This sickening violence has to stop. But where to start? Or start again, since women have been wrestling with these problems forever, and most particularly since the shelter movement of the end of the last century.

In recent weeks we have seen first the victims blamed, then police, the legal system and governments. Perpetrators, and an examination of what drives their behaviour, are surprisingly absent from the debate.

Violence against women and their children will not stop if we cannot move people beyond the current understanding about what it is and why it happens. We know it exists but often it is thought about as something that happens to other people, in poorer areas or people from other countries.

Jill Meagher's widowed husband Tom recently published an essay which acknowledged the difficulty in mobilising community outrage in a sustained way.

However, there are many things we can do in addition to the powerful 30,000 plus strong walk along a main street of a capital city.

These include daily acts of courage in addressing the culture that allows violence to occur, and confronting and naming the attitudes, beliefs and distorted values that justify, excuse, minimise or hide violence against women and their children.

We must recognise the links between the views, beliefs and attitudes, which demean, degrade and diminish women, and the existence of violence against women and their children.

We can talk to the woman at work who seems to be distressed by the constant calls and text messages from her husband or boyfriend.

We can quietly tell the teenager at the barbecue that the way he talks about girls is inappropriate and disrespectful.

We can refuse to be silent, even at the risk of being considered, or called, “soft”, “man-hating”, “wrong”, (the kind of comments directed at me recently online), a “wowser”, someone who “cannot take a joke”, “politically correct” or “no fun to be around”.

We can speak out against ill-thought campaigns that ignore the suffering and devastation of domestic violence, such as the one launched by Avalon Airport in Victoria last month, which said “Fly domestic without having one”.

We must question magazines and fashion designers that choose to use violence against women to sell. The April edition of Italian Vogue features bashed and bloodied models in couture thus, glamorising injured and even dead women.

Recently, the New Zealand Immigration department barred rap collective Odd Future from entry based on evidence of incitement to violence against a young Australian woman activist.

At a concert in Sydney last year, Tyler the Creator of Odd Future unleashed a tirade of verbal abuse against 24-year-old Talitha Stone, an activist with grassroots organisation Collective Shout which targets corporations, advertisers, marketers and media that objectify women and sexualise girls to sell products and services.

And what message do songs like Break A Bitch ‘Til I Die, Can You Control Yo Hoe? and Kim (“Don’t you get it bitch, no one can hear you? Now shut the f--- up and get what’s comin to you”), which condone and even celebrate violence against women in a way that is deeply disturbing, send to impressionable boys and girls?

We should consider our own behaviours and attitudes, and be strong role models for our children, families and friends. Especially our boy children.

We are all responsible for shifting the social norms that blame, excuse, minimise and justify violence against women and their children.

It is early days for the organisation I chair, the Foundation to Prevent Violence against Women and their Children. We have been established to spur on the community, businesses, and governments in the area of primary prevention: preventing violence before it occurs.

Across our nation, we need to have a mature and assured conversation about men and women, our roles, rights and responsibilities if we are going to make a real and lasting difference in reducing the experience and impact of violence against women and their children in our country.

Natasha Stott Despoja is the Chair of the Foundation to Prevent Violence against Women and their Children.

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 Melbourne ~ Sunday April  27, 2014

The brutal price of domestic violence

By John Elder
 
There has reportedly been a 40 per cent increase in family violence reports over the past two years.

This weekend, as most of the nation enjoys another public holiday, at least 51 women and 57 children are hiding out in motels across Victoria, on the run from men who claim to love them. Some will remain living there for up to two weeks until a more home-like environment can be provided - unless, of course, they lose their nerve and go back to the devil they know too well.

Another 150 women, and their children, are in secret refuges - 19 across the state, nine of them high-security - having agreed to abide by strict guidelines not to contact other family members or friends until they have resettled their lives elsewhere.

They've been told, right from the start, in gentle but honest terms, that the safe house is a short-term option; that no matter their shocked and depressed state, a lack of resources dictates they make plans for a future they cannot as yet imagine.

Even so, some of these women - who have no friends or family or independent means to call on - have been in these safe houses for months. In some cases, where they can't access government services, even years.

Too many other women and children, who didn't meet the ''high-risk'' criteria that domestic violence services use to allocate resources, are being counselled on the telephone as to how to best navigate a situation that has already turned violent, and may turn deadly. One piece of advice is to ''keep their bags packed but hidden''.

Another is to be aware of the times of day their unpredictable partner in life is prone to do his block. ''We'll ask, what are the key times when the violence escalates,'' says Sheridon Byrne, service delivery co-ordinator at the Women's Information and Referral Exchange (WIRE), a telephone service that gets 13,000 calls a year, 28 per cent of them from women seeking help with domestic violence.

''Every week we have women say they have already called and found no refuges available. They come back to us and we'll say, 'Let's explore what the options are,' and we'll talk about safety planning.''

By this stage, the woman, having already called a crisis service, has been asked a series of questions. And so they begin again: is there a friend or family she and the children can spend a night with? Does your partner know where they live and do you think he would go there? Are there weapons involved? Should she call the police or get an intervention order?

''Sometimes it means, if there is nowhere to go, and she might decide to stay for a period of time while making another plan, we talk about how to stay safe at home,'' Byrne says. ''Talk about having the bag packed, have documents ready, birth certificates. Does he have a GPS on his phone. Can she turn off her GPS so he can't track her?''

Annette Gillespie is CEO of the Women's Domestic Violence Crisis Service (WDVCS), the main source of referrals to women's refuges in Victoria. Ms Gillespie says that any woman who meets the high-risk criteria - as determined by a set of questions called the Common Risk Assessment Framework, a template used by the Department of Human Services, police and crisis services - will be immediately accommodated, even if it means being placed in a motel.

At high risk means being assaulted within three days of making the call for help, associated threats to kill and evidence of previous assaults. ''We don't have a cap on the women we will help who meet that criteria,'' Gillespie says. ''But as the demand increases … the criteria become tighter. So we move from accommodating women at risk to high risk to extreme risk. Therefore, people who may not have met the higher or extreme criteria won't be the first priority.''

There has reportedly been a 40 per cent increase in family violence reports over the past two years. Victoria Police dealt with more than 60,000 family violence incidents in 2012-13 - including 29 murders, which account for a little less than half of all murders committed in the state. What this means for the WDVCS, and organisations like the Salvation Army and Good Shepherd that run women's refuges, is a spiralling demand for their services.


''We have our own safe house, which can accommodate three families,'' Gillespie says. ''It's full all the time. If we had 10 safe houses, then we'd be able move women directly into … refuge. This is the greatest social epidemic of our time.''

As a holding strategy, the WDVCS has a number of motel rooms across the state booked and paid for three months in advance. ''What is needed,'' Gillespie says, ''is a review of the safe housing that is available … and a response in funding to match demand.''

More than half of all homeless women - living in cars, couch-surfing with their children - came to this desperate position after leaving violence at home and having nowhere to go. Even for a woman at risk of death, and granted priority access, it can take up to two years to get a place on public housing, says Alison Macdonald, policy officer for Domestic Violence Victoria. ''Housing affordability is the key bottlenecking in the system now … the abuse of power and control by their abusers often mean women don't have the means to rent or buy.''

Another bottleneck is the growing number of migrant women, particularly those who come to Australia on a prospective spousal visa, and subjected to sexual servitude. Their abuser - captor, slaver - uses the fact that they sponsored their coming to Australia as a means of maintaining control. Because such women have no access to CentreLink, a health card or public housing, Macdonald says, a woman's refuge is their only option. ''They are incredibly isolated and have no understanding of the legal system.''

There have been instances where migrant women have lived in a refuge for up to two years until their immigration status has changed to the point they could access wider services.

Gillespie of the WDVCS says the issue of migrant women stranded in refuges has become such a strain on resources that ''refuges will refuse to take in a woman in those circumstances because they already have one [already living there long-term]. For us, we might have her in a motel for four to six weeks and then a boarding hostel, which is another level of vulnerability. It's a huge issue.''

This week, representatives from crisis-line operators from across the country are meeting in Melbourne to discuss a variety of issues, with a focus on women from marginalised groups, notably those without permanent residency.

Jade Blakkarly, service strategy manager with Good Shepherd Family Services, which operates three refuges on the Mornington Peninsula - and liaises with police to deal with 1000 family violence incidents a year - recently had a migrant woman and her children occupying one refuge for 18 months. ''That's how long it took to get her a visa and … for her to be able to access services.''

Blakkarly says Good Shepherd will always find a way to help a woman get out of a violent home, even when there's no funding for it. ''It might mean putting her in a motel. Getting beyond that first step is very difficult. Often it can seem easier to go back home and deal with the abuser … because what they are facing otherwise is poverty.''

Last Christmas, the Good Shepherd's funds for helping women had run out. They ran a sponsorship appeal of the sort international charities run for Third World children. ''A gift of $130 could help a woman and her children to stay in a motel instead of on the streets. A gift of $350 could help a women who stays at home to change all the locks on her house. In this way, you could help keep her and her children safe. Or $500 could help a woman forced to move to another part of the state to purchase a phone to stay in touch with her family and friends and be safe.''

That's what it's come to.

Escape from hell into the dark days

She says to call her Donna. In Italian it means ''woman'' so it's a good name to go by. There was a time when Donna believed in keeping her marriage together for the sake of the children, no matter the beatings and monstering moods of her husband.

One night, with a six-month-old daughter and a four-year-old son lying too quietly in their beds, she talked of divorce. And that's when he tried to kill her.

Somehow Donna survived the night.

The next morning, when she called the Women's Domestic Violence Crisis Service, Donna had the idea that counselling might turn things around. ''They said to come straight in,'' she says.

She and the children were taken to a safe house; a regular suburban house with high walls.

She was told not to tell anyone where she was. There weren't too many friends to tell, and all her immediate family were overseas.

Donna was from Hong Kong, an overseas student when she met her husband, a professional man. She was told the refuge was short-term but, in fact, three dark months went by. Other women came and went with their kids: young, old, well educated and otherwise, disabled.

Donna remembers a woman who had been married for 50 rowdy years. ''Her grown-up son called on her mobile and said he would disown her if she didn't go home to his father. And that's what she did.''

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 Melbourne ~ April  23 2014

Family violence epidemic

By Jane Lee, Craig Butt and Nick Toscano



The biggest policy tools to combat family violence - intervention orders and men's behaviour change programs - are failing to prevent women and children from being killed.

The dire warnings from family violence experts come as relatives of murdered Sunshine mother-of-four Fiona Warzywoda accuse Victoria's overwhelmed justice system of failing to protect their family.

Ms Warzywoda, 33, of Melton West, was allegedly stabbed to death by her abusive de facto husband Craig McDermott at a busy Sunshine shopping strip last Wednesday, just hours after taking out a family violence order.

Family members and friends of Fiona Warzywoda at a vigil in the very spot she was allegedly killed by her de facto in Sunshine. (Jason South)

Ms Warzywoda's step-mother, Simone Warzywoda, said the justice system failed their family.

''It's been time and again with domestic violence … the justice system continues to fail women and children.''

The number of people arrested for domestic violence homicides has jumped astonishingly. In 2011-12 there were 13, in 2012-13 there were 45. Police figures obtained by Fairfax Media also show there were 44 family violence-related homicides in 2012-13, claiming the lives of 28 females and 16 males. (The 45 arrests included at least one for a homicide from an earlier year.)
 
Jocelyn Bignold, chairwoman of the Western Integrated Family Violence Committee, said the deaths of Ms Warzywoda and alleged murder of two young girls at Watsonia on Easter Sunday needed to be a ''catalyst for change''.

''Family violence is preventable. If it was a dangerous rail crossing we'd be fixing it. We've done it with road safety, we've done it with quitting smoking, and family violence is another epidemic in our state that needs funding,'' she said.

While the government committed an extra $16 million to family violence in 2012, services in the west have seen 35 per cent increases in client numbers over the past year, Ms Bignold said.

''It's clear that this issue is not going away. If we are to learn anything from this death, it's that an over-stretched system will struggle to pick up those who are falling through the cracks. Long-term funding and tightening the accountability on violent men are overdue.''

Domestic Violence Resource Centre's Dr Debbie Kirkwood said the police response to family violence had improved over the years, with many more women reporting family violence and applying for intervention orders. But she said many of the people who breached intervention orders were still not charged for doing so, leaving women and children vulnerable.

''Intervention orders are limited in the sense that we still find women can be killed while [they are] in place so they're not providing the level of protection we need. The problem is often breaches of intervention orders aren't effectively responded to.''

Data from Victoria Police reveals major flaws with enforcement of intervention orders, with 820 offenders, mostly men, breaching orders at least three times in the past financial year.

Of these, 200 individuals violated orders more than five times and 15 committed more than 10 separate breaches in one year.


Rodney Vlais, chief executive officer of No to Violence, said there were inconsistent levels of support for victims and perpetrators alike across Victoria.

Police typically only monitored the most high-risk offenders in the community, leaving the rest to under-resourced men's behaviour change programs, he said.

Most magistrates courts in Victoria did not have the power to issue ''counselling orders'' which required men to attend such programs, in a similar way to a community corrections order, Mr Vlais said. Magistrates could make a men's behaviour change program a condition of an intervention order, but the programs are usually not contacted themselves, and police tend not to prosecute those who fail to attend.

''So he can decide not to attend or start the program and then drop out. There are no consequences,'' he said.

Law reforms in 2005 created ''family violence court divisions'' in Heidelberg and Ballarat, which enabled magistrates courts there to have resources to assist perpetrators to understand and co-operate with the process. Despite two evaluations of the pilot since then, no other areas had been added to the reforms.

Police Association secretary and former Homicide Squad detective Ron Iddles conceded there was still a lack of communication and co-ordination between police, government agencies and social services.

He said there was often a community reluctance to intervene in domestic disputes that were spiralling out of control.

''Of all the jobs I've done where a child has lost their lives, in 99 per cent of cases there is a warning sign. Why, as a community or as a friend, have we not done anything about it?'' Mr Iddles said.

The number of ''threat to kill or injure'' offences has also soared in the past decade, making it one of the fastest-growing crimes in the state. Victoria Police crime statistics show 1559 threats to injure and 4893 threats to kill were reported in the 2012-13 financial year.

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 Melbourne ~ Saturday April 12, 2014

Domestic violence: NSW hits 15-year peak

By Rachel Olding/Reporter

Domestic violence in December reached its highest level in 15 years, bucking a statewide decline in all other major offences.

Figures from the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research show, on average, 94 domestic violence assaults were reported to police each day.

Annual crime data released on Thursday showed a 1.9 per cent rise in domestic violence related assaults in the past five years.

But it is believed up to half of all incidents go unreported.


The bureau's director, Don Weatherburn, said the problem was far worse in regional and rural NSW, where rates of domestic abuse are up to 11 times those of Sydney. In Walgett the rate of domestic violence is eight times the NSW rate. In Moree it is almost four times and in Bourke it is 11.6 times the NSW rate.

Deputy Police Commissioner Nick Kaldas said ''domestic violence is something that we are very focused on, and it's of great concern - particularly in the bush.''

He said a whole-of-government response was the only way to tackle domestic violence.

''The Department of Community Services, health, education and the police are working much closer together than we have in times gone by to try and stop the problem rather than trying to deal with it as purely a law enforcement issue.''
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 Melbourne ~ October 7, 2007

Killer dads - why they do it

Fathers who murder their children exact the ultimate revenge on an estranged partner

By Karen Kissane

Brothers Jai, 9, Bailey, 2, and Tyler Farquharson, 7.

He is a bottler. He holds in his anger and other emotions. He might seem to be an easy-going, appeasing sort of man but he is what psychologists call "over-controlled", a person whose silent fuming might one day explode into violence.

Add to this a marriage break-up in which he is the spurned partner and a new partner for his wife before he has adjusted to his changed circumstances and the rage can fester into vengeful obsession.

Robert Farquharson. (John Woudstra)

"Obsession deprives people of a sense of proportion to such an extent that, in the end, they can countenance their own death and the death of others they love in pursuit of that obsession," says Professor Paul Mullen, psychiatrist and clinical director of Forensicare, the Victorian Institute of Forensic Mental Health.

A man who has become obsessed with revenge against his partner and who is pathologically jealous of her can allow his children to become caught up in his delusions. His feelings about her fidelity can morph into doubts about the paternity of the children.

"Men may become convinced that the children are not theirs, and part of the killing of the children is the acting out of this rage at the (supposed) infidelity, and at being saddled with children who are 'not yours' when in fact they are yours," Mullen says. The killing is also about destroying the whole relationship and the products of that relationship, he says. And it is payback against the woman who has rejected him, the children's mother. "Apart from anything else, he's telling her essentially that she's responsible. This is one of the ways they get back: 'Look at what you've made me do."'

Arthur Phillip Freeman.

This might be part of the answer to the question now being asked about Robert Farquharson: How could he do it?

A Supreme Court jury on October 5, 2007 found that Farquharson deliberately drove his three boys, aged from two to 10, into a dam near Winchelsea on Father's Day 2005. His wife had left him 10 months earlier and had begun a relationship with another man.

Cindy Gambino told the court that her ex-husband had been a good father and was a "softie" who always agreed to do what she wanted over matters such as whether to have another baby.

Yazmina Acar, pictured with her father Ramazan.

The court was also told that Farquharson was angry about the break-up, child-support payments and the fact that his former wife had the better car and a new partner.

One of his oldest friends said that a couple of months before the killings, Farquharson had spoken of an accident involving the children in which they would die, so that his former wife would suffer for the rest of her life. It would happen on a special day such as Father's Day so that she would be tormented every year on the anniversary, he allegedly said.

Farquharson pleaded not guilty. He claimed that he blacked out in a coughing fit and the car veered out of control and into the dam.

Dr Lynne Eccleston, director of the forensic psychology program at Melbourne University, says killing children "is the ultimate harm (angry men) can inflict on the woman that they think has wronged them, for whatever reason.

It's a higher order of revenge, because the woman is left alive to deal with the grief that is his intention." She says such men often have a detailed plan that they perfect over a long period, "working up to the time when they will finally take action".

The killings are often related to relationship breakdown. A man who has pre-existing emotional problems and poor coping skills can also become angry because he feels his rights as a father have been taken away.

Forensic psychologist Professor Bob Montgomery, of the University of the Sunshine Coast, says most men who try to kill their children have distorted thinking as a result of severe depression.

They believe they are failures and that they have failed their children. They see no way out other than suicide and taking the children with them so that they are not left to suffer further. "In most cases, the guy tries to kill himself as well," he says.

Cases such as Farquharson's are much rarer.

"If (a father is) just killing the children and making no attempt on himself, he has a different motivation, like, 'You took my kids away from me well, I'm going to take my kids away from you,"' Montgomery says. "That's a very much smaller group.

They are sad reflections of the view that children are your possessions, your property, rather than people who have their own rights and interests.

"A psychologist who had been treating Farquharson told the court that his depression had seemed to improve. Montgomery says it is common for deeply depressed people who have decided upon suicide or murder to experience a lift in mood because, in their disordered minds, they believe they have a way out of their problems: "Now I know what to do, I don't feel so bad."

Cases such as Farquharson's arouse intense interest because they seem so rare and so unnatural as to be bizarre. In fact, says Mullen, they are not such an unusual form of homicide: "The commonest form of multiple killing is not serial killing, as you would think from watching the telly. It's family slaying the man who kills his partner and his children."

It is also not uncommon for such a killer to have previously been viewed as a good parent.

"When you look at the mothers who do this, you often find they were noted by their friends and neighbours to be particularly caring, assiduous parents who spent more time with their children than other parents did." Ten per cent of all Australian homicides involve children as victims.

If the child is under six, the killer is most likely to be in the child's care network, says Ken Polk, professor of criminology at Melbourne University and co-author with Christine Alder of the book Child Victims of Homicide.

The most typical male killer of children is the batterer who attacks a step-child because he finds the child difficult, partly because he does not have reasonable expectations of the child's behaviour for his or her age.

Biological fathers are much less likely to kill their children, but this does happen in an emotional game in which "the child is a pawn you sacrifice the pawn to get to the main piece, and that's the woman", Polk says.

For every man who goes on to kill, there are many more who carry an angry sense of grievance that makes them want to lash out.

"We get lots of calls from men who are very recently separated and hate the world and are furious at the perceived conspiracy against them," says Danny Blay, manager of No to Violence, the Male Family Violence Prevention Association.

"And we know that women and children are most at risk of violence from their former partner or father during the early stages of an acrimonious separation.

"There are lots of men who, for one reason or another, are in a place where they don't see a way out and are wanting to punish the people who they see as putting them in a predicament, rather than taking at least some responsibility

for their predicament themselves and asking why it is that their partner wants to leave, or why they have been denied access to their children."

At the same time, Blay says, most men who are violent within their family are mostly good people, aside from this aspect of their behaviour.

"They are not psychopaths. They form intimate relationships and have friends, they are engaged at work, members of the footy club."

In Farquharson's case, he confided his thoughts of murder to an old friend who did not believe he was serious and who is now tormented by what happened. What would Blay's advice be to anyone who finds themselves listening to a friend talking this way?

If a man is seething and looking for support, says Blay, accept his distress and express empathy for it. Ask him about his plans.

"Get them to name what's in their heads and what they are going to do." Has he thought about what he will do with the kids this weekend? What are his feelings for his children and what does he want for their futures next week, next month, when they are 30?

"Convey to him that you are really concerned about him, his partner and his children. Let him know that you'd like to help him find a better way out of his situation that there are always better alternatives to violence.

"In talking it through, there is an opportunity for the man to realise that his plans are not just a short-term fix to make him feel better, but they will potentially have long-term consequences on the people he loves, and him."

Blay says that if, in talking to the man, you discover that he has developed a detailed plan to hurt anybody, "I would be ringing the police immediately and trying to contact the people who have been threatened. We must always prioritise the safety of people over any personal allegiance or loyalty we have to our friend, relative or client and, at the same time, we would be doing them an enormous favour (to report them)."

For telephone counselling, contact Men's Referral Service on 1300 766 491. Women's Domestic Violence Crisis Service,1800 015 188. Lifeline, 13 11 14.

Killer dads

Robert Farquharson deliberately drove his three sons - Jai, 10, Bailey, 2, and Tyler, 7 - into a dam, killing them on Father's Day 2005. He was on his way back to Winchelsea, near Geelong, and was due to return the children to their mother after an access visit.
Arthur Freeman threw his four-year-old daughter Darcey off the West Gate Bridge to her death on January 29, 2009. It was to be her first day of school and Freeman was returning her after a custody visit.
Ramazan Acar stabbed his two-year-old daughter Yazmina to death and moments later posted a message on Facebook to say he had killed her. There was a court order against Acar accessing his daughter but he convinced the girl's mother he would just take her to the milk bar.
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Pakistan: Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act 2013 raises girl’s marriageable age to 18 Print E-mail
 
 Pakistan ~ May 11, 2014

Encore:

A huge victory

By Alefia T. Hussain
Scroll down to also read of Report ranking Pakistan a lowly 147th among 178 countries studied
A political statement no doubt, the Sindh assembly’s landmark law that increases the marriageable age of girls from 16 to 18 is a step forward in so many ways

Courtesy: Flickr

Late last month, the Sindh assembly passed a landmark law that increases the marriageable age of girls from 16 to 18, seemingly in reaction to the recent Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) ruling that laws setting the minimum age of marriage are un-Islamic.

“It is clearly done in defiance to the CII recommendations… The law is a political statement and a very important one. The Sindh assembly sent out the message that parliament trounces quasi-religious attempts to define legal codes,” says women’s rights activist Afiya Zia.

Moved by the Pakistan People’s Party legislators, Sharmila Farooqi and Dr Sikander Mandhro, and tabled by Women Development Minister Rubina Qaimkhani, the Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act 2013 criminalises underage marriages. Under the law, any groom who weds a girl under age 18, and parents of such a groom or those facilitating such a marriage will be punished with maximum three years, minimum two years, rigorous imprisonment, and a fine.

It further grants power to issue injunctions prohibiting marriage in contravention of this act.

The offence is cognizable, non-bailable, and non-compoundable. Anyone can file a complaint against child marriage in a court of judicial magistrate. The court will decide the case in no more than 90 days.

The rules of business are in the process of being finalised.

The new Sindh Child Marriages Restraint Act 2013 replaces the colonial law dating back to 1929. The rest of the country is still bound by the same 85-year-old law where girls can legally marry at 16 and men at 18, and violators of the law are awarded three-month maximum imprisonment and Rs1,000 fine.

This legislation by the Sindh assembly is a huge victory. Because now hopefully many girls, who call Sindh their home, will not be forced to marry men 30 or so years their senior; they will be able to pursue reading and writing in school; they will become teachers and lawyers and doctors, and have big dreams about life. They will not be slaves of old husbands’ whims.

Also, countless others will renounce repeated pregnancies and obstructed labour due to the undeveloped narrow hips. Many will not bleed to death in childbirth. And by marrying after 18, they will overcome obstacles for self-realisation. Their lives will not be frozen in time.

From domestic violence and marital rape to maternal health issues, the problems associated with child marriage are well-documented. Yet, it is a problem. In fact, part of the problem is that early marriage is not seen as a problem. When a girl turns from a child to a woman in body, as soon as she starts menstruating, the family elders want to fix her in marriage. Her honour and virginity is seen as a problem by her parents and relatives.

It is to change this mindset that laws such as the Child Marriages Restraint Act 2013 passed by the Sindh assembly are important. Because, as Afiya Zia points out, laws are more than rules on paper; they effect change. “The process by which they are framed, advocated, opposed and passed is a very political one. It reveals a lot about society and attitudes. Laws bring attention to the injustices and send the message by the state ­ on who and how it will protect when citizens are in conflict in society,” she says.

Latest figures from the Pakistan Demographic Health Survey 2012-2013 show that 35.2 per cent of currently married women between 25 and 49 years of age were married before they were 18, and 1.6 per in the age bracket of 15 and 19 were 15 at the time of marriage. Although these figures are horrifying, still they are an improvement over the years, as the number of early age marriages below 15 is declining, experts claim.

It is for this reason that Khawar Mumtaz, Chairperson National Commission for the Status of Women, says, “abiding by the 18-year minimum age is a definite possibility”.

But, she stresses that this issue must not be taken in isolation but in combination with girls’ education. “If girls complete secondary education and other opportunities become available, the age of marriage will further move upwards, as is the experience of other developing countries. Eighteen is also the age of political and legal maturity in Pakistan,” she says, continuing that she sees this particular law as giving impetus to a trend that is already occurring.

In a traditional setup like Pakistan, marriage is in many ways a by-product, where women are commodities to be given away in appeasement, particularly in those cultures where it is not contracted by free will. Cases of vani in Punjab, sang chati in Sindh, swara in NWFP, and ljai or khasaniye soor in Balochistan are common knowledge. So, if nothing else, Zia says, this law will at least attempt to compete with what is norm or normal by giving an alternative code of conduct ­ one that says, “the state or province of Sindh doesn’t accept this ‘culture’ on behalf of women citizens”.

Women’s rights experts involved in fieldwork report countless stories of girls who have dreams to study and become career women, but are prematurely forced to become wives and mothers and obedient daughters-in-law. These girls, sometimes from the most conservative settings, argue that if the state extends them protection they would have much to gain, perhaps a protective shield against their local patriarchies.

For instance in the six communities in districts Jamshoro and Khairpur, where Ayesha Khan, a researcher from Karachi at the Collective for Social Science Research, observed that adolescent girls had a very high awareness rate about the importance of CNICs for purposes of voting, accessing BISP, Watan cards, and other benefits of being a citizen ­ and were equally keen to avoid early marriages and childbearing.

Pakistan has now become notorious for passing progressive laws and making forward-looking policies but lagging behind in implementation. Take, the honour killing, sexual harassment and domestic violence laws passed to prevent violence against women. Despite the passing of such women-friendly laws, these crimes remain unabated mostly due to sloppy enforcement ­ and hardly get any woman or child justice in the country.

“Greater awareness among people and also those responsible for implementing is needed; greater monitoring and accountability systems are required,” says Mumtaz.


Ayesha Khan fears corruption in the judicial system, to stop the magistrates from taking cognizance or trying any offense of chid marriage will be one possible loophole in proper implementation of the law. However, “involving the courts at this level, and bypassing the police (as in the case of lodging a complaint of zina now) is an important way to protect against unlawful accusations,” she says.

She further explains that making the offense non-compoundable is also useful, as justice has to be had from the courts and families cannot be pressured into hushing up the case of child marriage, thereby possibly going ahead with it in secret.

This law has to be enforced in conjunction with the Muslim Family Ordinances 1961, which require the registration of marriages at the union council level. Unfortunately this registration practice has not been properly enforced. “If these two laws are implemented together it will be an effective mechanism to protect against child marriage,” Khan adds.

To correct the country’s record of poor law enforcement, much bigger solutions are needed. After, of course, alleviation of poverty and easy access to schools and colleges, a stringent birth registration system and a CNIC requirement to finalise the nikkahnama are a couple of suggestions among more that may guarantee a victory for this law passed by the Sindh assembly.

Nevertheless, this law and its implementation cannot be seen in isolation. The extent of effective implementation of other women protective legislations ­ such as Child Marriages Restraint Act, 1929, Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act, 1939, Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961, Offence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979 and Women Protection Act, 2006 ­ will impact this law and vice versa.

The purpose of this law is to give young girls a practical, temporary alternative course, “where their families don’t keep repeating the cyclical trend of marrying them off for lack of alternative,” says Afiya Zia.

One hopes the ripple effects of the child marriage law are felt in other provinces too, that too, very soon.

Meanwhile, the enforcers of this law have a long way to go.
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http://tns.thenews.com.pk/pakistan-one-of-the-worst-countries-for-mothers-newborns/#.U3RFfnZpeME
 Pakistan ~ May 11, 2014

Political Economy

Mother of all ills

By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed
A recent global report ranks Pakistan 147th in the list of countries conducive for mothers and newborns, calls on the government to act positively

The last week saw people excessively exchanging text messages, uploading statuses on social media and expressing thoughts about the greatness of mothers in general and their own mothers in particular. These activities picked up on the run to the World Mothers’ Day which falls on May 11. The overall objective of this hype was to establish how great it is to be a mother and how unmatchable the experience of motherhood is.

It was about the same time when it was announced that Pakistan is the worst place to be a mother in South Asia. Besides the country was ranked 147th among the 178 countries of the world considered for studies on the state of mothers and children there. This revelation was made at the launch of State Of World Mothers’ (SOWM) on May 6. Overall, Finland was ranked the best place to be a mother for the second straight year and Somalia came in last.

It was also shared though maternal mortality in Pakistan has been cut by almost half, child mortality decreased by a quarter, expected years of schooling increased by 3.3 years and gross national income per capita risen by 270 per cent over the past 15 years, these accomplishments are far less than desired and not comparable to the achievements made by other countries of the region.

It was the 15th annual report released by the organisation. Since 2000, the annual Mothers’ Index has become a reliable international tool to show where mothers and children fare best, and where they face the greatest hardships, using the latest data on health, education, economics and female political participation, says the executive summary of the report. In short, the report identifies root causes for the dismal state of affairs and makes suggestions on how to improve the situation. It also guides the international community and donors to put their money where it is needed the most.

While the report discusses 178 countries, it puts special focus on crisis-hit places and concludes that half of maternal and child deaths worldwide occur here. This is something which could have been avoided with timely intervention and action. Conflicts and disasters can change situation of a country within no time and similarly corrective measures can do wonders.

As an example, the report states that “Afghanistan was the worst place to be a mother three years ago, but it is now ranked 146th due to progress in cutting child and maternal death. By contrast, Syria has slumped from 65th place in 2011 to 115th in 2014, after the conflict caused “the collapse of what had been a functioning health system, and threatens to set back progress by a generation.”

The report gives an idea of the existing situation in Syria. Though the intensity is not the same, it may hold true for Pakistani women displaced by conflicts, natural and manmade disasters and sheer lack of maternal health facilities. It is discouraging to read in the report that women in Syria face difficulties in accessing prenatal, delivery and post-natal care, including lack of ambulances, few female hospital staff and frequent checkpoints and roadblocks encountered on the way to hospitals.

For this very reason, they are choosing to deliver by cesarean even if it is not needed medically. By availing this option, they can time the delivery of their babies rather than risk being in labour in an insecure context, with no ambulance, and especially risking a terrifying journey at night.

The challenges, therefore, are tough for the policymakers as service providers in Pakistan as the country has the highest number of people affected by conflict. This has been stated in a research by the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) which states that at least 172 million people worldwide were directly affected by con?ict in 2012.

“The overwhelming majority of them (87 per cent) were residents of con?ict zones rather than refugees or IDPs who ?ed from violence, insecurity and fear. Pakistan and Nigeria had the largest numbers of people affected by con?ict ­ 28 million and 19 million respectively,” the report states.

One heartening fact is that at places there have been improvements. For example, Pakistan and Burkina Faso increased the proportion of births attended by a skilled health worker by 20 per cent between 2000 and 2008.

Save the Children has observed that many children are still dying from preventable causes, mothers are giving birth alone at home and children are not staying in school and called upon the federal and provincial governments and civil society to:
i) Ensure that every mother and newborn living in crisis has access to high quality healthcare, including family planning services, and breastfeeding counseling.

ii) Build the resilience of health systems to minimise the damaging effects of crises on health.

iii) Develop national and local preparedness plans tailored to respond to the specific needs of mothers, children and babies in emergencies.

iv) Ensure adequate financing and coordination to timely respond to mothers and children’s needs in emergencies.
Dr Saheb Jaan Badar, Director, Maternal Newborn and Child Health (MNCH) Sindh, says mortalities double during disasters and crises situations. She calls Lady Health Workers (LHWs) and community midwives as the backbone of the health department and lauds the commitment of the government of Sindh to increase their number by 6,000 to cater to the needs of Sindh’s population.

Arshad Mahmood, Director, Advocacy and Child Rights Governance at Save the Children, tells TNS that five indicators were taken into account while preparing the index. These were mental health, under 5 mortality rate, expected years of formal schooling, economic status and political status of women. He says when a girl is educated her children are more likely to be healthy and well-schooled. Similarly, if women have a voice in politics, issues that are important to mothers and their children are more likely to surface on the national agenda and emerge as national priorities.

Arshad says in the post-18th Amendment scenario, a lot needs to be done at the provincial level for improvement in maternal health and well-being of the new born. Only Punjab needs 15,000 community midwives to provide quality service to expecting mothers.

Arshad tells TNS that as per findings of Pakistan Democratic and Health Survey (PDHS), the country will not be able to meet the goal 4 and goal 5 under the MDGs which talk about maternal morbidity and under-5 mortality. He says certain areas of the country need immediate attention. For example, he says, there are on average 260 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births but the figure in Balochistan is 785 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. It is hard to believe but true that there is only one LHW in whole Dera Bugti, he adds.

No doubt the report highlights disturbing facts and refers to alarming figures, but it is yet to bee seen how the government reacts to the situation. The very first manifestation of its resolve would be the budgetary allocation for health this year. At the moment, it stands at paltry 0.6 per cent of country’s GDP.

India: Acknowledging Nation’s patriarchy undermines women’s development, empowerment & well-being Print E-mail
 
 March 8, 2014

Why Indians Are Failing Their Daughters – International Women’s Day Special

by Mudita Tiwari

Read also "The Political & Social Economies of Femicide in Andhra Pradesh" and scroll down to read "Fighting female foeticide in India"

India – the land of colorful cultural heritage; the land where goddesses are revered as powerful protectors and preservers, is also the land where nearly 44 million women were reported missing as of 2001. Female infanticide (murdering a girl child right after birth), female foeticide (through sex-selective abortion), neglect of a female child, and abandoning female infants at birth are the reasons why the child sex ratio (CSR) in India has dipped from 962 girls for 1000 boys in 1981, to 927 girls for 1000 boys in 2001, to 940 girls for 1000 boys in 2011.

According to the Census data from 2011, the sex ration has improved over 2001 numbers, in part due to rising awareness about issues such as female infanticide and foeticide, sting operations my media and fear of legal crackdown. Kerala, the Southern most state in India has the highest ratio of men to women, with 1,084 women for every 1,000 men. Haryana has abysmally low ratios with 877 women for every 1,000 men. Sates like Delhi, Jammu & Kashmir, Sikkim, Punjab all have alarming ratios of less than 900 women for every 1,000 men.



What’s the Indian Government’s Stance on the Protection of Girl Child?

It must be noted that the girl child enjoys a special status in India, with countless cash transfer schemes at the national and state level for parents giving birth to a girl. Sex-selective abortions are banned in India. Expecting parents are not legally allowed to know the sex of their unborn child in India.

But where there’s demand, there’s supply! Parents are willing to shell extra bucks to know the sex of their child and doctors are willing to comply. If doctors around town don’t comply, there’s always a foreign country for rich parents to get that sex-selective abortion or sex-selective conception. Doctors have found smart ways to navigate the law; they might not explicitly state the sex of the fetus, but dole out a pink candy for a girl and blue for a boy. As a result neither the criminal parents, nor the corrupt doctors have any fear of the law, constantly finding ways to evade the law.

(Reuters/Vivek Prakash)

But why are Indians so desperate for boys in the first place?

3 regressive and socially disruptive practices are the largest contributors:
Dowry – The evil practice of dowry exists in India, where parents are forced to transfer large amounts of money to the groom’s family when a girl is married off. The idea is for the girl to have her own pot of savings for future. In reality, it’s a price that the parents pay to get their daughter married off to a suitable groom. The more educated, handsome or well-to-do a groom is, higher his price! Most parents consider their daughters a burden as a result because her marriage can economically bankrupt the family.
Gender Roles – In the patriarchal society of India, women have exceptionally low workforce participation rates. Only 29% of women over the age of 15 work in India, and this is lower than any comparable BRICS country (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Men in the household are prepped for employment through education opportunities and vocational trainings, while girls are often trained for household chores. With lack of employment opportunities due to cultural restrictions, women are economically disempowered and at the mercy of their in-laws, parents or husbands. Due to social reasons, parents prefer staying with their sons in old age, rather than their daughters. Parents therefore perceive the son to be an investment for their retirement, and a daughter a burden who is handed over to another household.
Parental Property Rights – According to the 1994 Hindu Succession (Amendment) Bill, both sons and daughters have equal claim to family’s property. Despite the provision of this financial protection, most women still relinquish their rights to property because of existing cultural traditions and family pressures. Implicitly, the sons of the family are regarded the rightful inheritors of parental property.
There’s a common saying in India – “Beti Paraya Dhan”, translation – a daughter is another household’s valuable commodity.

Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+) (World Bank)


Is plummeting sex-ratio really an issue? Why should anyone care?

With cases of despicable abuses in cases of dowry, gang-rapes, and perverse forms gender violence rising in India, we are forced to wonder where things went wrong with India? When we read about villages in Haryana where no women were left to marry, we were shocked! Women were being imported from low-income households from other states. Despite these harsh realities, men in these villages continue their patriarchal ways and insist on having more boys. rather than girls.

 (BBC)

Experts have speculated that the worrisome surplus of men may lead to more crime and social disorders. This can be attributed to an increase in the population of frustrated single males and the increase in the level of testosterone in the society. Others have considered that a decrease in the number of women will diminish political power of women, further marginalizing women.

(Amnesty International)

According to TrustLaw’s latest poll, India ranked the worst place for women among the G20 nations. The analysis also reflected the opinions of 370 gender specialists across the world. According to Amnesty International, sex-selective abortions, unequal access to education, perils of child marriage, discriminatory practices against women, sex-trafficking, and widespread illiteracy amongst women pushes India to the lowest ranking among G20 nations.

Today is International Women’s Day (March 8), a day to recognize the contribution of women to the society. Sadly, it’s also a day for recognition that the current state of the Indian society is not optimal for the development, empowerment and well-being of the Indian women. The first step is recognizing that problems exist within the Indian culture, legal systems and policies that disempower women. We wanted to dedicate this day to acknowledging these widespread issues, in hope that someday, Indians will treat their women right!

References:
Census of India Data

Mohit Sahni NV, D. Narula, Raji Mathew Varghese, V. Sreenivas, Jacob M. Puliyel. Missing Girls in India: Infanticide, Feticide and Made-to-Order Pregnancies? Insights from Hospital-based Sex-Ratio-at-Birth over the Last Century. PLoS ONE 2008;3(5):1-6.

Singh PMM. Prime Minister’s address at the National Meeting on “Save the Girl Child”. In. New Delhi; 2008.
Gentleman A. India still fighting to ‘save the girl child’. In. Global Edition of New York Times ed. New Delhi: International Herald Tribune; 2005.
BBC, India’s Unwanted Girls
Goodkind D. Should prenatal sex selection be restricted? Ethical questions and their implications for research and policy. Population Studies 1999;53(1):49-61.
Amnesty International, Human Rights Now Blog
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 02 December 2013

Fighting female foeticide in India

Rajen Choudhary of Rajasthan is known as the "Friend of the Unborn" for raiding clinics carrying out illegal abortions.

By Shahnawaz Akhtar

Choudhary faces constant threats as he campaigns against foeticide [Shahnawaz Akhtar/Al Jazeera]

The plan is simple but the results always startling: walking into a diagnostic centre posing as a couple and seeking to determine the sex of the baby in the womb.

Once the foetus is determined to be a girl, ask the doctor in attendance if the pregnancy could be aborted. And if the doctor agrees to carry out the procedure, call the police and get the medical practitioner arrested.

For more than a decade now, the decoy couples have struck terror in the hearts of doctors on the lookout for making quick bucks by carrying out female foeticide – the illegal procedure of thwarting the birth of girl child, considered still by many Indian families to be a curse.

As fear of the entrapment has grown, so has the fame of Rajen Choudhary, the 49-year-old crusader from the western Indian state of Rajasthan, earning him the epithet "Friend of the Unborn".

The stings carried out against doctors have been his brainchild. In doing so, he has won praise and awards and constantly braved threats to his life alongside.

"To save the girl child is my mission," insists Choudhary. Agrees Lad Kumari Jain, the chairperson of the Rajasthan State Commission for Women: "He has been an asset in the fight against female foeticide. Whenever we need him, he is there to help."

With one of the most skewed sex ratios in the country, it had been apparent for some years now that Rajasthan had become a haven for sex-selective abortions.

The practice is illegal in India, but it continues to thrive nevertheless.


Choudhary woke up to the menace in 2001 after the official census report threw up alarming facts: the ratio of girls in Rajasthan had dropped from 916 in 1991 to just 909 per 1000 boys.

"It was then I decided to fight for the right of the girl child," says Choudhary.

Difficult battle
It has been an arduous battle since then, with his adversaries including greedy medical practitioners and a slew of ultrasonography centres run by influential people.

The cause for his campaign remains dire: Some 1,800 ultrasonography machines are reported to be in operation across the state, and the male-female sex ratio is ever widening.

It has fallen further and the 2011 census figure puts the ratio of girls at 8.8, against the national average of 914 girls per 1000 boys.

The declining ratio of girls is attributed to illegal abortions: Reports suggest that out of one million foetuses aborted annually in India, some one-hundred thousand are in Rajasthan alone.


Alarmed by deteriorating situation, Choudhury has been resorting to desperate measures.

He set up the Shikshit Rojgar Kendra Prabhandhak Samitti (SRKPS), an NGO dedicated to save the girl child, with his team raiding doctor's chambers at regular intervals.

"He provides us specific information regarding sex determination being done in clinics. When we need, he also provides us with a team comprising a pregnant lady and other important members to conduct the decoy operation," confirms sub-divisional magistrate of (SDM), Jaipur, Alka Bisnoi.

School girls pose with placards during a protest march against female foeticide [AFP]

Among those Choudhary's team has ensnared so far include an important office-bearer of the local chapter of the Indian Medical Association. The doctor caught in the illegal act had ironically lent his support to the campaign against sex-determination tests.

The Rajasthan government has a policy of giving cash rewards (up to $1500) to informers who help in uncovering such malpractice. Choudhary has been rewarded by several district administrations within the province so far.

But together with rewards have come quick retribution from those who find themselves at the receiving end.

The owner of a nursing home in the town of Sikar has filed a court case against him, accusing Choudhary of "fixing" him after his extortion attempts failed.

Another doctor, whose wife's clinic was raided, is also unsparing in his criticism of Choudhary. "He had first demanded Rs 21,000 ($332) as a bribe and when we did not fulfil his demands, he implicated us in a false case," the doctor claimed.

Choudhary's mission is undoubtedly lined with dangers and his wife, Durga, often is forced to spend sleepless nights.

"We often live in fear, as he keeps getting death threats. We have sleepless nights when he is on the mission of conducting a decoy operation, we do not sleep till he returns home," she says.

But unmindful of the threats to his life, Choudhary carries on with his fight to save life in the womb.

Even his daughter Jyoti has made up her mind to join the fight.

"As soon as I complete my education, I will devote my time to save the girl child," she says.

After all, any help is not too small when the fight is against illegal abortions born out of social prejudices against the girl child.

Follow Shahnawaz Akhtar on Twitter: @ScribeShah


India: Apologists for Girl Child Marriage in Rajasthan blame rampant practice on falling sex ratio Print E-mail
 Friday May 2 2014

Where getting married at three is not unusual

The marriage of a minor couple on the occasion of 'Akshaya Tritiya’ in Jaipur. (File photo Mahim Pratap Singh PTI)

Neelu (name changed), an eight-year-old, speaks like one and her eyes have the gleam and wonder of a little girl.

The only aberration here is that Neelu, a class IV student who loves studying English and Maths, has been married for five years.

“Shaadi kab ho gai, kuch yaad nahi [I remember nothing about when I got married],” she says.

Neelu, like several other young girls, was married off on Akshaya Tritiya or Akha Teej, the third lunar day of the Indian month of Vaishakh.

Considered extremely auspicious, Akshaya Tritiya ­ it fell on a Friday this year ­ is best known in Rajasthan for the large number of child marriages that are solemnised on this day.

In Neelu’s village, Chittorgarh district’s Ganpatkheda, getting married at three is not out of the ordinary.

Child marriage, despite the discourse on social development and progress, is still rampant in Rajasthan and cuts across regions, caste groups and districts.

This age-old social practice, which was based on mutual economic benefit, has now grown to be used as a way to impose control over female sexuality.

About 400 km from Neelu’s village, Nathi Bai, a 57-year-old woman from Bagon ki Dhani near Jaipur, uses a unique brand of logic to justify child marriages.

“I was seven when I got married. Earlier, young girls were often married off along with their elder sisters in order to save money,” she says.

“They just understand more these days...in our time, girls and boys would roam around naked till they were 10, but now they are attracted to each other very early on,” she says.

Community members concede that it is strange for child marriage to persist to this day but maintain that the rationale behind the practice has changed. Whereas earlier financial and logistical concerns would necessitate the practice, parents today perform child marriages because technology has led to a rise in precocious sexual maturity, they said. “Money is not an issue anymore; everyone has money. But there is the mobile phone and the Internet and WhatsApp available to children [today]. Everyone has access to pornography, and there is this heightened sexual urge among children these days. So, parents want to marry them off early,” says Dayal Bairwa of Renwal near Jaipur.

Curiously, popular perception holds that child marriages helps deal with the rapidly falling sex ratio. “If a boy isn’t married off by 21, there’s a good chance he will stay unmarried... because there are so few girls left,” says Laduram Chaudhary.

“We think girls should be married off by 15 as [unlike] earlier girls and boys understand stuff [today]... now they know everything,” he says.

The efforts of the police and administration continue to be limited to issuing circulars and alerts. The Jaipur district administration recently issued an order that anybody participating in a child marriage ­ including caterers, musicians or priests ­ would be liable to be prosecuted under the State’s new Child Marriage Act of 2006.

“We had issued a circular alerting all police stations about this issue...if any such case is found then a FIR is registered,” says ADG (civil rights) R.P. Singh.

However, social activists say formal complaints/FIR against child marriages are few and far between.

But there are those that have dedicated their lives to confronting the pernicious practice.

Bhanwari Devi, a grassroots social activist who was allegedly gang-raped for raising her voice against child marriages, feels things are changing.

Bhanwri, who received the full support of the people of her village Bhateri on issues ranging from literacy, health, education and rape, found herself alienated and ostracised when she spoke out against child marriages.

“Back then, it was very difficult. Nobody would listen to me and you know what happened then,” says Bhanwari, whose case led to the framing of the Vishakha guidelines on sexual harassment of women at the workplace.

“Even now, things are not easy and I am still looked at with suspicion. But there has definitely been a huge change. Now, parents want their girl children to study and then get married at the right age. It is not a complete transformation but these things take time,” she says.


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