Recent Resources for Feminists
Thursday September 15 2016
Rosie Batty slams Pauline Hanson over maiden speech family violence comments By Michael Koziol
Domestic violence campaigner Rosie Batty has slammed Pauline Hanson over her inflammatory maiden speech, branding the senator's tirade against the family law system an example of victim-blaming.
The One Nation leader made headlines for her claim that Australia was being "swamped by Muslims". But she also railed against the "discriminatory, biased and unworkable" family law system, and accused mothers of making "frivolous claims" to get sole custody of their children.
Family law leads to murders of 'frustration': Hanson
In her controversial maiden speech, Senator Pauline Hanson says the family court systems discriminate towards men.
Fathers were taking their own lives or murdering family members out of "sheer frustration" at the system, Senator Hanson claimed.
"Children have two parents and until we treat mums and dads with the same courtesy and rights, we will continue to see murders due to sheer frustration, depression and mental illness caused by their unworkable scheme," she said.
Rosie Batty says Pauline Hanson's claims about family violence were disappointing and wrong. (Getty Images)
Ms Batty, whose son Luke was killed by her ex-partner Greg Anderson in 2014, said those remarks fell into a well-established tradition of blaming the victim.
"People are not murdering because of the family law system. That idea is just another example of our victim-blaming mentality," she said.
"If Australia is being swamped by anything it's family violence. That's the real threat. One in four children are traumatised from being exposed to family violence and that's the emergency."
Ms Batty said the senator's comments were "very disappointing" at a time when family violence was receiving national attention and people were more familiar with the system's real shortcomings.
Senator Pauline Hanson delivers her first speech in the Senate. (Alex Ellinghausen)
"The safety and wellbeing of children must be the overriding priority," she told Fairfax Media. "Turning family law issues into men versus women, or mums versus dads, does nothing but make complex situations more challenging for all involved."
The 54-year-old was in Canberra this week to discuss the family law system with Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, Opposition Leader Bill Shorten and Greens leader Richard Di Natale.
Through the Luke Batty Foundation, Ms Batty is promoting a five-step reform agenda that would prioritise children's safety, early intervention and financial support for women and children.
Ms Batty said she would welcome the opportunity to discuss the family law system with Senator Hanson.
The One Nation leader targeted single mothers numerous times during her speech, claiming they were rorting the welfare system by having multiple children, and calling on the government to provide support for a maximum of one child only.
Minister for Women Michaelia Cash controversially hugged Senator Hanson following her first speech, and was forced to distance herself from the remarks on Thursday.
"I will never justify the murder of a female or a male. That is unacceptable and especially in situations of domestic violence," Senator Cash said.
"It was her maiden speech and I offered her goodwill as I do every other person in the chamber when they give their maiden speech."
Fairfax Media approached Senator Hanson for comment.
Monday September 19, 2016
Cambodia emerges as surrogacy hub
By Roli Srivastava
A scientist works during an IVF process. While Cambodia has become popular among people seeking surrogates, doctors say it is ill-prepared to handle the rising demand. (AP)
With tougher laws in India, doctors and couples are increasingly moving to the east Asian nation.
Bhoomi Shah says she lives the good life in Ahmedabad. She has a well-paying job, has a car that she likes to drive around and lives in a bungalow with her parents, who have always supported her decisions and life choices. So last week, she packed her bags and made a quick three-day trip to Cambodia not drawn to the east Aisa nation by the iconic Angkor Wat, but to rent a womb.
“I am 32 and I do not wish to get married. And getting a surrogate in India for a single person is now impossible,” she tells The Hindu over the phone. “I wanted a baby, who I am genetically linked to. So it made imminent sense to try surrogacy. But it is impossible in India so I searched on the Internet and found Cambodia offers it,” she says.
During her three-day trip, she visited the clinic where she will be making the egg donation and met four women who were willing to carry her child. “The women I met were Cambodian. My only criterion was that a healthy woman should carry my child,” says Ms Shah, who is scheduled to travel to Phnom Penh in October to start the surrogacy process – which will cost her around Rs 15 lakh.
With India toughening its stand on surrogacy, evident in the Surrogacy (Regulation) Bill 2016 which the Cabinet cleared last month, surrogacy service seekers, and even doctors have started moving to destinations that still allow this service.
While Cambodia has become popular among people both Indians and from other parts of the world countries such as Ukraine and Kenya are attracting doctors from India.
The big rush
Bhoomi Shah’s search for a surrogate was facilitated by Benhur Samson, CEO of Surrogacy Abroad, who has taken 23 sets of people to the country this year alone, of which six were from India.
“India is no longer on the surrogacy map and after Bangkok and Thailand stopped surrogacy, Cambodia opened up,” Mr Samson says, adding that this was the “first batch” that he has taken to Cambodia.
As in the early days of surrogacy in India, the lack of proper laws or guidelines in Cambodia has proved a big attraction. Medical tourism consultants such as Mr Samson say doctors from Thailand have set up infertility clinics here.
But the focus on Cambodia has its set of concerns.
“There is growth in surrogacy in Cambodia since last year. There is a huge pressure building and Cambodia is ill-prepared to handle it. Besides, there are no laws in place (in Cambodia),” says Sam Everingham, Global Director, Families Through Surrogacy. He says that couples from Australia too are looking at other destinations including Cambodia, but there are concerns about its medical infrastructure vis-à-vis other destinations such as India.
Mr Everingham says doctors from Thailand have set up shop in Cambodia and that the surrogates are from Thailand, Cambodia and also India.
Doctors who offered surrogacy service in India are aware of the new hubs. Dr Rita Bakshi, chairperson of International Fertility Centre in Delhi, says: “Cambodia may have emerged as a hub, but it has only one or two players currently. It doesn’t have well-defined laws so a better place is Ukraine that has laws in place.”
Ukraine’s presence is not lost on Indian doctors who once had a good surrogacy business going.
After the ban on commercial surrogacy in November last year, Hyderabad-based Kiran Infertility Centre collaborated with an infertility clinic in Ukraine. “We have done this work for the last 10 years and we have patients still approaching us for it. We tell them it will cost more, but we can offer the service,” says Dr Samit Sekhar, who visits Ukraine once in two months.
September 16, 2016
Acid victims During a felicitation ceremony for acid attack survivors in Lucknow on March 8. (Rajeev Bhatt)
At a candlelight vigil in Kolkata on August 13, after a rally for a deaf and mute woman who died in an acid attack at Nadia district. (PTI)
A spurt in acid attacks against women has become a cause for concern in rural and urban West Bengal. By SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY
ON the afternoon of August 18, Raqibur Mandal of Nowda in Murshidabad district went to meet the girl he wanted to marry, carrying with him a bottle of acid. The girl, a student of class 12, had gone to the local panchayat office and was walking back alone when he waylaid her. The two were seen having a heated argument, and Raqibur suddenly hurled acid on the girl’s face. He tried to escape on his motorbike but was caught by the local people. Like all acid attacks, it was a cold premeditated assault. He knew very well that she would reject him and had armed himself to avenge the insult to his ego.
The same day at Joynagar in South 24 Paraganas district, Uma Chakraborty, a housewife, was attacked with acid allegedly by her neighbour, Bapi Mistri, over a long-standing dispute over land. Uma Chakraborty, in the throes of agony, threw herself into a nearby lake before being rescued by other residents of the neighbourhood.
Just 10 days before these attacks, Jyotsna Das Malik, a 35-year-old widow from Tarakeswar in Hooghly district, and 28-year-old Shikha Ghosh from Nadia succumbed to burn injuries after being attacked with acid. The attack on Jyotsna Das Malik was carried out on July 23, apparently for spurning the advances of one of her attackers. Shikha Ghosh, who was a deaf mute, was in her room on the night of August 6 when miscreants threw acid on her through the window. She died of burns two days later. According to her family, the attack was instigated by a neighbour who had allegedly raped Shikha earlier.
On August 3, yet another woman, this time a housewife from Bardhaman, was attacked with acid.
Between July 23 and August 18, West Bengal was witness to five acid attacks that resulted in two deaths. In the face of increasing incidence of violence on women in the State, the spurt in acid attacks over the last few years has become a cause for concern in Bengal’s rural and urban societies.
According to data available with Acid Survivors Foundation India (ASFI), a non-governmental organisation that works with survivors for their rehabilitation, from 2010 to mid 2014, as many as 65 people from West Bengal fell victim to acid attacks, the third highest in the country after Delhi (90) and Uttar Pradesh (71). The eastern region of the country alone accounts for around 21 per cent of acid violence in India. “Though we have not yet got the final figures, our preliminary findings show that the trend of acid attacks has been rising in the last one and a half years,” Avijit Kumar, assistant director (headquarters), ASFI, told Frontline.
With more than 75 per cent of the victims being women, acid attacks have emerged as a terrifying new threat to the women of West Bengal. The vast majority of the attacks are precipitated by rejection of sexual advances or declaration of love or marriage proposals; some instances relate to personal disputes or dowry. There was even an instance of gratuitous cruelty; in August 2010, 10 women were injured when miscreants hurled acid through the windows of the ladies’ compartment in a moving suburban train in Kolkata.
Until 2010, Bangladesh registered the highest number of cases of acid attacks worldwide. However, by 2014, Bangladesh successfully managed to reduce the number of such attacks, but in India, they have been on the rise. Today, India has the highest number of acid attacks in the world, followed by Pakistan and Bangladesh. According to ASFI, the main reason for Bangladesh’s success is the rigorous enforcement of the law against offenders.
“Bangladesh has really done a commendable job, and for that they have put their laws in place. A person who is caught for acid crime and convicted in Bangladesh is liable to hang. Though not a single person has been hanged, it is still a major deterrent. In our case, our conviction rate is very poor, and [the judicial process] time-consuming,” said Avijit Kumar. According to the ASFI, the all-India conviction rate in acid attack cases in 2013 was 40.2 per cent; in West Bengal it was just 14 per cent.
Malini Bhattacharya, former chairperson of the West Bengal Commission for Women and former member of the National Women’s Commission, said that the increase in acid attacks in the State was a reflection of the increase in different kinds of anti-social activities. “When the general situation in the State is one of lawlessness and increasing assaults on women, it is no surprise that acid attacks also become more frequent,” she said.
Time and again, acid attack victims have voiced their disappointment in their pursuit of redress by law. Polly Debnath (38) of Ranaghat in Nadia district lost an eye in an acid attack in 2013. “Ripon Chandra Das, who lived near my house, had been pursuing me to have a physical relationship with him, but I kept turning him down. Then he started threatening me with acid attack. When I went to the Ranaghat police station to complain, they paid no heed to my situation,” she said. Ripon Chandra Das even tried to kill her mother when she asked him to leave her daughter alone. Once again, according to Polly Debnath, the police did nothing; six months later, one day in June 2013, Ripon Chandra Das followed Polly Debnath when she went out for work and threw acid on her face. “He has still not been caught. Some time back he even came back home. When I complained again to the Ranaghat police station to have him arrested, they again did nothing. He has now gone away,” said Polly Debnath.
Myna Pramanik’s husband and in-laws threw acid on her face over dowry in 2001. “Now my face has improved, but initially when I would venture out of the house, people would be scared of me. I could feel their disgust, while those who did this to me are out on bail,” she said.
According to Dibyaloke Rai Chaudhuri, coordinator (headquarters), ASFI, the fact that the perpetrators of the crime are mostly out on bail and living their lives is particularly demoralising for the victims. “What the victims want most is justice. It is essential that those who commit this heinous crime receive punishment and an example is set. Many of them, after coming out on bail, continue to terrorise the victims. There have been several instances when we had to rehabilitate them,” said Rai Chaudhuri.
After the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013, two separate sections were introduced in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to separately deal with acid attack, Article 326A and Article 326B, but the incidence of attacks has not reduced significantly. Under Article 326A, a person who has caused harm by throwing acid faces an imprisonment sentence of not less than 10 years, which may extend to imprisonment for life. For attempting to throw acid, under Section 326B, a person faces a sentence of at least five years, which may extend to seven years.
However, according to Sayanti Sengupta, an advocate with the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), which takes up the cases of acid victims, reality presents a different picture. “Though there are now separate sections in the IPC to deal with acid attacks, in none of the cases that we have taken up so far has there been a conviction, and most unfortunately, the trials are also very long-drawn,” she said.
According to the Supreme Court’s direction, the government of West Bengal has set up a scheme of compensation, wherein it pays at least Rs.3 lakh to an acid attack victim. Of this, Rs.1 lakh is to be paid within 15 days of the attack, but most victims do not get the compensation on time. Myna Pramanik has not received any payment to date, though her case dates back to 2001.
Jamir Khan of the HRLN said, “The State government is not proactive in paying the compensation to the victims. In most of the cases that we take up, we have to seek the intervention of the court; and even after that there is delay.” Most victims come from impoverished backgrounds, and in many cases have to sell their belongings and even property to pay for their immediate medical expenses.
With stealth and element of surprise on the one hand and the scope for inflicting permanent damage on the other, acid attack is one of the most lethal forms of criminal assault. The ready availability of acid despite strict guidelines laid down by the Supreme Court regarding its sale is seen as one of the main reasons for this growing crime. “The criminal laws were changed in 2013, and at that time there was a section dealing with acid attack victims and the perpetrators of the crime. However, this legal provision is not enough. There has to be far stricter provisions to regulate the supply and sale of acid. In West Bengal that is not in place,” said Malini Bhattacharya.
According to the directions of the apex court, sale of acid across the counter is prohibited unless the seller maintains a log or a register recording the sale, which contains the details of the person buying the acid and the amount purchased. The purchaser will need to produce an identity card issued by the government, which contains residential address details and the seller, must ascertain the purpose for which the acid is purchased.
However, in most cases, these rules are not adhered to. Strict monitoring is also required in unorganised sectors such as jewellery making and cotton dyeing, where strong acids are used. “Easy availability of acid in these sectors, where there is a high transient working population, is quite dangerous unless monitored. We have seen that Murshidabad is the district where the largest number of acid attacks take place in West Bengal; it is also a place where cotton and silk are vibrant industries where the use of acid is a necessity,” said Avijit Kumar.
Saturday September 3 2016
Bashing of 'domestic violence industry' beyond the pale By Anne Summers
I think most of us would agree that mocking someone for their suffering and attendant misery is a cruel and abhorrent thing to do. Un-Australian even, given we like to think we are the kind of country that extends a hand to those who are down on their luck or who have suffered misfortune of any kind.
Men don stilettos for domestic violence awareness
Dozens of men, including Lieutenant-General David Morrison, took to the streets of Melbourne in heels for the 'Walk a mile in their shoes' campaign. (Vision courtesy Seven News Melbourne)
Such generosity of spirit does not extend to many on the political right in this country who are turning such mockery into what they seem to think is a political art form. They apparently think by using the term "industry" in front of the group they wish to denigrate that they are somehow absolved from the opprobrium that would come if they attacked these groups directly.
To give an example, News Corporation columnist Bettina Arndt recently attacked what she called "the worldwide domestic violence industry" for what she portrayed as its wilful refusal to acknowledge women-initiated violence against men and for allegedly over-simplifying a complex issue.
Campaigning for change: Rosie Batty has been at the forefront of educating the community about family violence. (Eddie Jim)
Arndt's stablemate Miranda Devine likewise gets stuck into the people who are trying to reduce violence and assist those who are its victims.
In The Daily Telegraph last September, Devine attacked "the man-bashing femi-fascists who control the domestic violence industry" for daring to disagree with her assertion: "… the incontrovertible truth about domestic violence, that it is overwhelmingly concentrated in dysfunctional remote Indigenous communities and public housing estates."
This is not borne out by the deaths in Australia so far this year. Of the 46 violent deaths of women reported by Destroy the Joint's Counting Dead Women project, 24 were unambiguously attributed to domestic violence. Of these, three appeared to be Indigenous women and another three lived in poor communities. The other 24 did not fit such categories.
Neither Arndt nor Devine has stooped so low as to attack a woman who has suffered domestic violence – unlike Mark Latham who disparaged Rosie Batty for what he called her "secular sainthood" and disputed Batty's claims of an "epidemic" of domestic violence in this country.
But both are more than happy to get stuck into the people who work to end the epidemic and assist those who are hurt by it.
Similarly, senator Cory Bernardi said on 7.30 last week: "… we need to nip what I call the grievance industry in the bud because they are doing a disservice to so many Australians."
He claimed that the Race Discrimination Commissioner was "encouraging people to lodge grievance claims on the back of a cartoon by a nationally syndicated cartoonist" (referring to a widely criticised Bill Leak cartoon stereotyping Aboriginal fathers that appeared in The Australian recently). He also cited the three Queensland students who face proceedings under S.18C of the Racial Discrimination Act for their responses when asked to leave an Indigenous-only space on campus as victims of grievance.
Yet Bernardi's inference that he invented – "what I call…" – the term "grievance industry" does not stand up to scrutiny. Like so much else of Bernardi's song-sheet, it is an American import. In fact, the term "racial grievance industry" is in such common use in the US it has its own acronym (RGI) and a host of websites and newsletters devoted to dissecting every aspect of the responses to race-based attacks.
Some of these are so over the top that they suggest that attacking the so-called "grievance industry" is in fact an industry in itself. Look, for instance, at this, from a website called American Thinker. It asks the rhetorical question: "Have you noticed the unchanged pattern of outrage that manifests from the black community whenever a black life is taken by a white person?" and contends that the ensuing calls to action "are not spontaneous; they're calculated manoeuvres promoted by an ever-present Race Grievance Industry".
And the explanation for this? "This time-tested equation of Black Victim + White Culprit = Racism has proven to be just as vital to the Race Grievance Industry as E=mc2 was to Einstein," the website claims. "And just as Einstein's Theory of Relativity has revolutionised science, the Theory of Exploitivity has revolutionised the science of victimology while generating untold wealth for its practitioners."
Some of American's most prominent African-Americans are accused of profiting personally from this "race grievance industry". It's not about justice, or rights, it's only about the money.
It's the same with the "domestic violence industry" claims another American publication which, interestingly, has been reprinted on an Australian men's rights website. The assertion is that state and federal monies have turned violence into a huge industry that has unfairly blamed men for violence. Again, no mercy shown for the women who are hourly bashed or killed, or appreciation for those who work on their behalf.
How despicable – and un-Australian – for politicians and journalists to so cruelly mock those who suffer racism or violence with the ugly inference that they are just fodder for an "industry".
Tuesday August 23 2016
Sex ratio set to fall around 800 in U’khand: Study
Girl child ignored
- The sex ratio at birth, as per the Asian Centre for Human Rights, was 861 in 2011-2012 and 867 during 2012-2013 in Uttarakhand.
- Uttarakhand has the seventh lowest child sex ratio (CSR) in the age-group of 0-6 years among 35 states/UTs of India, as per the 2011 census, with CSR of 890 girls per 1,000 boys.
- Not a single conviction was secured from 2009 to December 2014 under the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act (PCPNDT Act), 1994, in Uttarakhand.
- As per the 2011 census, a total of 2,50,803 females in the age-group of 0-2 years or an average of 83,601 girls were born annually in Uttarakhand.
- If only 30,830 beneficiaries were extended benefits under the NDKY from 2009 to 2015, as per state governemnt records, it implies that 6,166 girls were given benefits annually against the birth of 83,601 girls, i.e., 7.37 per cent of the girls born annually.
New Delhi: A study conducted by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India has found that the child sex ratio is all set to fall drastically to a little over 800 by 2021 census.
The report “The State of Female Foeticide in Uttarakhand" [Scroll Down to Read in full] has been presented by the Asian Centre for Human Rights.
The sex ratio at birth (SRB) as per the Asian Centre for Human Rights was 861 in 2011-2012 and 867 during 2012-2013 in Uttarakhand, respectively.
If under-five mortality rate (U5MR) of 48 deaths per 1,000 births in India is taken into account in the context of the hill state, the child sex ratio would have reduced to 813 in 2011-2012 and 819 in 2012-2013.
Uttarakhand has the seventh lowest child sex ratio (CSR) in the age-group of 0-6 years among 35 states/UTs of India, as per the 2011 census, with CSR of 890 girls per 1,000 boys.
As per the statement of Health Minister JP Nadda before the Parliament on March 3, 2015, not a single conviction was secured from 2009 to December 2014 under the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act (PCPNDT Act), 1994, in Uttarakhand.
On the implementation of the Nanda Devi Kanya Yojana (NDKY), launched in 2009 and renamed as Hamari Beti Hamara Abhiman (HBHA) in 2014, the report stated that the Uttarakhand Government had failed to achieve its primary objectives of reducing gender imbalance, prevent female foeticide and provide social and economic security to the girl child.
The scheme itself was designed not to have any impact. The NDKY is extended only to Below Poverty Line (BPL) families while the Above Poverty Line (APL) families who use and can afford sex selective abortion are completely left out. Even for the BPL families, the NDKY covered only 4.97 per cent of the BPL families.
As per the BPL survey conducted by the Uttarakhand Government during 2011-2012, there were a total of 6,19,718 BPL families but as per the state government’s own admission, only 30,830 girls or 4.97 per cent of the BPL families were given benefits under the NDKY in five years from 2009 to 2015.
In terms of those born, as per the 2011 census, a total of 2,50,803 females in the age-group of 0–2 years or an average of 83,601 girls were born annually in Uttarakhand.
If only 30,830 beneficiaries were extended benefits under the NDKY from 2009 to 2015, it implies that 6,166 girls were given benefits annually against the birth of 83,601 girls, i.e., 7.37 per cent of the girls born annually.
There are serious doubts whether actual beneficiaries were benefitting at all under the Nanda Devi Kanya Yojana.
The utilisation certificates (UCs) of the NDKY provided to the Asian Centre for Human Rights by the authorities under the Right to Information Act (RTI) seem to have been prepared only to be shared under the RTI Act. Except one UC submitted by District Program Officer (DPO), Almora, all other UCs have no date, reference number and official stamp. In the absence of all these, authenticity of the UCs is highly doubtful.
The ACHR has filed a complaint with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to address the findings of the report.ANI
Monday August 22 2016
Uttarakhand Child Sex-Ratio a Cause For Worry, Says Human Rights Group
By The Wire Staff
The Asian Centre for Human Rights has found that the Uttarakhand government has been woefully negligent of the plight of female children in the state.
Girls walking home from school in Mussoorie. (Paul Hamilton/Flickr CC BY-SA 2.0)
The Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), in a recent report titled, ‘The State of Female Foeticide in Uttarakhand’ has found that the child sex ratio (number of girls per 100 boys) in Uttarakhand is set to fall drastically to a little over 800 by the 2021 census. The report was based on figures from the Annual Health Survey (AHS), conducted by the registrar general and the census commissioner of India.
AHS figures suggest that the sex ratio at birth (SRB) in Uttarakhand was 861 in 2011-2012 and 867 in 2012-2013. If the under-five mortality rate of 48 deaths per 100 births in Uttarakhand is taken into account, the child sex ratio reduces to 813 in 2011-2012, and 819 in 2012-2013.
According to the report, Uttarakhand has the 7th lowest child sex ratio in the age-group of 0-6 years within India, if we go by the 2011 census.
Health minister, J.P. Nadda, in a statement in parliament on March 3, 2015 said that not a single conviction was made under the Prohibition of Sex Selection Act (PCPNDT Act) of 1994.
The Nanda Devi Kanya Yojna (NDKY) was launched in 2009, and renamed to Hamari Beti Hamara Abhiman, in 2014. A project report stated that the the Uttarakhand government had failed to reduce gender imbalance, prevent female foeticide and provide social and economic security to female children. The design of the NDKY scheme is not meant to have any protracted impact, being limited to below-poverty-line (BPL) families only. This entirely fails to take into account the fact that those above the poverty line are the ones that can afford to have sex selective abortion and are therefore left outside the ambit of the scheme.
Even within the BPL families, the scheme only benefitted about 4.97%, when there were over 6 lakh BPL families as per a survey conducted by the state government in 2011-2012.
The 2011 cnesus found that an average of 83,601 girls are born annually in Uttarakhand. The rate of benefit under the scheme implies that 6166 girls of the 83,601 born, actually received benefits.
The report by the ACHR voices serious concern as to how beneficial the scheme has been, even for those it managed to cover.
The ACHR suspects that the utilisation certificates that it received from the NDKY under the Right to Information Act, were specifically prepared to be shared in such circumstances. The organisation, in a recent press release said that with the exception of one such certificate submitted by the district programme officer of Almora, all the other certificates are not dated and have no reference number, or any official stamps, making the authenticity of the certificates questionable.
The ACHR has filed a complaint to with the National Human Rights Commission of India with regard to the findings of its report, their statement said.
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